.cm checked for ⊃ .cm working file for Greek revisions and
corrections 7 Oct. 87
Lenaion as a Month Name at
ISmyrna 573.34, 245 B.C.
L. Robert, REA 36 (1936) 22-28 (=Op.
Min. II 786-91); Samuel, 175; evidence is Hemerologion
Flor., argued by Robert to record the calendar of Smyrna.
Dionysia at Smyrna .sr qqa
Honors for a judge from Knidos; ISmyrna 578.20,
25, late third, early second century B.C.
Honors for a judge from Kaunos; ISmyrna 579.17,
23, 53-54, second century B.C.
Honors for a judge from Astypalaia; ISmyrna
581.25, second century B.C.
Honors for a judge from Thasos; ISmyrna
582.10-11, end of the first, beginning of the second century
Honors for a judge from Miletos; ISmyrna 583.18,
second century B.C.
Funeral Honors for a Neokoros of
Dionysos. .sr lea
Stele found on Mt. Pagos; at one time in the Evangelical School,
now lost. H: 0.78; W: 0.33-.36; D: 0.1.
A. Fontrier, BCH 7 (1883) 278-79 (Cougny,
Anth. Pal. Append. II no.379b) Fontrier,
Mouseion 5.1 (1884-85) 59 no.u;me/
(Quandt, De Baccho, 148) Keil, Skizzenbuch
Smyrna VII 366; (Peek, GVI I 1000; G. Petzl,
ISmyrna I 515, with photo of Keil's facsimile).
The demos [honors] Dionysios, the son of
Poseidonios. When you count, you will find the length of my life
to be seven decades, with a few more years added on, me, the
temple warder of most honored Dionysos; I, Dionysios, performed
without censure the duties [required] from my city, with my eyes
fastened on excellence. In gratitude for this a golden wreath
from the people lies over me. The demos [honors]
Poseidonios, son of Dionysios, grandson of
is an epithet typical for Zeus, but used only here of Dionysos.
.cm checked TLG.
5-6 e)g de\
implies that the offices filled by
Dionysios were public, but it is not clear that the temple of
Dionysos, whose existence is implied from the term
newko/ron, was a public temple or one
belonging to a private organization. There is no archaeological
evidence for a temple of Dionysos at Smyrna (but see Hasluck,
BSA 19 [1912-13] 93-94). The sanctuary of Bromios to which
the lex sacra of the second century applies (if it was at
Smyrna at all) did have buildings (see no.wea, below,
line 2), but this sanctuary was probably not a major public
For the honoring of a dead person
with a golden wreath, cf. IKyme 13.11-12;
IPriene; 113.110-12; Cicero, Pro Flacco 75.
Two letters from synodos of
Dionysos Briseus. .sr mea
Found near the stadium at Smyrna; now lost. Inscribed on the same
stone as no.nea., below.
A. Galland's copy: J. Spon, Miscellanea eruditae
antiquitatis (Lyon 1685) X 93, 353-54 no.xciii;
(CIG 3173; IGR IV 1393 and 1748; G.
Petzl, ISmyrna 731, with a copy of G. Cuper).
Poland, Vereinswesen., 300; Quandt, De
Baccho, 147; Hasluck, BSA 19 (1912-13) 93;
Tod, CR 29 (1915) 1-2; Dittenberger,
SIG&S'&sub3;. 1109, on 26; Cadoux, Smyrna 249
n.1; Bruhl, Liber Pater 186.
A) Dated list of five men who have paid their entrance fee to
the organization of worshippers of Dionysos Briseus; A.D.
A .br;Under (the consulate of) the emperor Titus
Caesar Augustus, pontifex maximus, with tribunicia
potestas for the eighth time, imperator for the
fifteenth time, pater patriae and consul for the seventh
time, and with &ldbrac;Domitian&rdbrac; Caesar, son of the
emperor divine Vespasian, consul for the sixth time; when C.
Julius Fabias Mithres, the son of the Demos most loyal to
the emperor, was consecrated (as priest) in a hereditary
(priesthood). When T. Claudius Nonianus, son of Bion, was
stephanephoros, when L. Licinius Proclus was (honorary)
president of the games, when [$$$$$$$$] was director of the
games, when L. Sulpicius Firmus was the (financial) manager, the
following individuals paid their entrance fees: .br;Sulpicius
Firmus .br;Artemidoros (son of Artemidoros?) Artemas,
patromystes, .br;Apollonios (son of Apollonios?) Eudemos,
patromystes, .br;Trophimos, son of Asklepiades, .br;Tyrannos,
son of Papias, grandson of Menander. .br;B .br;During the ninth
consulship of the emperor Caesar Domotian Augustus, and the
second consulship of Quintus Pettilius Rufus: when Koskonias
Myrtos was stephanephoros, when Lucius Caecilius Fronto the
younger was agonothete, and when Dionysios Kikinos the younger
was xystarch (president of the games):
1 Ti/tw, etc.
Greek translation of the Latin
ablative of time, without iota adscript.
A.D. 80, the ninth year of Titus'
priest of the Dionysiac
organization (Petzl), not the eponymous priest of the city
(Cadoux). MiqrewS1 is the genitive of the name
Miqra (Petzl); cf. Diog. Laert. 2.102.
The agonothete and the xystarch
are named here because of the association of the organization of
Technitai and mystai dramatic contests. For the
Technitai as mystai, see no.tea.,
L. Sulpicius Firmus, also
mentioned in line 16 as one of the newly inducted
patromystai, paid for the erection of the inscription.
for the induction fee charged by a
society or a guild, see Tod, 2. Cf. IPergamon 374d.13 and
MDAI (A) 32 (1907) 294 no.18.8-9, 13. For a similar
requirement for the Iobacchoi in Athens, cf. SIG&S'&sub3;.
1109.37-41 (Athens), where a new member, whose father did not
belong to the association, had to pay an entrance fee of fifty
drachmas, while a new member whose father did belong, paid only
twenty-five. For payment of an induction fee at the time of
assuming office in a Dionysiac synod, where the ceremony was
accompanied by contests, cf. P. Frisch, Zehn agonistische
Papyri (Opladen 1986) 1.15. Merkelbach, Die
Hirten, 25, suggests that because the mystai of Dionysos
Briseus had initiation rites, the term for entrance fee in this
case could mean "initiation fee"; cf. ISmyrna
a mystes whose father
belonged or had belonged to the organization. See Poland,
Vereinswesen 298-300; Quandt, De Baccho, 247-48;
Tod, 2; Dittenberger ad SIG&S'&sub3;. 1109.26 (Athens); L.
Robert, Documents, 87-89. .cm CHECK THIS For other
patromystai at Smyrna, see &rea., below.
For hereditary status in other mystery organizations, cf.
Plut. de Is. et Os. 364e, where Clea is said to have been
consecrated in the rites of Osiris by her father and mother; J.
Gwyn Griffiths, Plutarch's De Iside et Osiride (University
of Wales Press 1970) 431, argues that Clea was consecrated as
priestess, not as initiate, which would imply an even higher
degree of hereditary status. For the tradition, especially in
Hermetic literature, that secret knowledge and wisdom was passed
from teacher to pupil as from father to son, see R.P.
Festugiè.re, La ré.vé.lation d'
Hermè.s Trimé.giste I (Paris 1950) 332-54. For
the tradition of the priest in mystery cults as father, see R.
Reitzenstein, Die Hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen
(1927&S'&sub3;., reprint 1956) 40-41.
Inscribed statue base honoring
Hadrian .sr nea
Statue base; H: 1.35; W: 0.71; D: 0.71. Found in the agora at
Smyrna, where it remains today.
Y. Bé.quignon, BCH 57 (1933) 308, with photo;
307 fig. 50; .cm check the bch date (AE 1934.47); F.
Miltner and Selâ.hattin, Tüaut.rk Tarih 2
(1934) 236-37 and fig. 19; (P. Wuilleumier, RA 6
(1935) 99, 256) Keil, Istanbuler Forschungen 17
(1950) 57 no.9, with photo, pl. 14; G. Petzl,
The mystai of the great Dionysos Briseus
before the city (honor) the emperor, Trajan Hadrian, Caesar,
Augustus, Olympian, Savior, and Founder. Dikaios Heliodoros, son
of Alexandros, the treasurer, took care (of the erection of the
For the founding of the cult of
Hadrian as Olympios, see Keil; the earliest recorded instance of
the epithet "Olympios" used of Hadrian is IEphesos
274, dated before 9 December 129 (Petzl).
For Bakchos Megas in Bithynia, see
an expresion used at Smyrna for
both Dionysos (see nos. &xea. and &bfa., below) and Demeter
(ISmyrna 655). Descriptive of a god, the expression
refers to the fact that the god's sanctuary stood outside the
city wall and that the festival of the god was celebrated outside
the city. For the expression used of a Bacchic sanctuary (or
group) at Thasos, see IG XII Suppl. 447.8-9 (=no.
ota.). The sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Thasos did
stand outside the city wall; see Pouilloux, BCH 75 (1951)
90-95. From Herodotus' description of the capture of Smyrna by
the Ionians, it appears that there was at Smyrna, at an early
date at least, a festival of Dionysos outside the city walls
Dionu/sw|, Hdt. 1.50).
The expression pro\ po/lewS1,
when applied to gods, can have the meaning of "protector". See L.
Robert, EBACKSPACE´.t.anat. 35 n.2; BE 1969.495,
1978.462; Fouilles d'Amyzon en Carie I (1983) 171-76; cf.
P. Hermann, Anadolu 9 (1965) 76-77. See also G. Petzl, on
ISmyrna 655.1-2. At Smyrna the expression was
applied to both the god and his worshippers and therefore must
refer to the location of the sanctuary and the location of the
rites. For Ephesos, see R. Merkelbach, ZPE 36 (1979)
151-56, and no.rga., below. See also no.xea.
(Smyrna), below, where the expression refers to the
Briseu/S1, "he who makes the fruit swell"
(Merkelbach, Die Hirten 25 n.36), is common for
Dionysos at Smyrna (see nos. &tea., &xea.-&zea., below) and is
related to the epithet Brisai=oS1, by which
Dionysos was called at Lesbos: cf. Il. 1.184, 323, etc.,
IG XII (2) 478.2=no.kda., above
(Brhsagenh/S1]1; EM s.v.
Brisai=oS1&; Steph. Byz. s.v.
Bri/sa. Briseu/S1 is used of
Dionysos by Aristides (41.5, p. 331 Keil) and Macrobius
(Sat. 1.18.9). At Smyrna the epithet indicates the
agricultural origin of the local Dionysiac cult.
for mystai of Dionysos at
Smyrna, cf. nos. &oea., &tea., &wea., &xea., below. The
Technitai of Dionysos Briseus at Smyrna were also
mystai; see no.tea.. The association of Dionysiac
actors had an official character. The term mystai implies
participation in an official local group of Dionysiac worshippers
whose activities were associated with the theater and with
mysteries. For another list perhaps of such mystai, see
ISmyrna 705-706, where the initiates are called
Letters to the synodos of Dionysos
Briseus .sr oea
Fragment of a marble stele, found on the acropolis, below the
stadium at Smyrna (on same stone as no.mea., above);
From a copy of A. Galland: J. Spon, Miscellanea eruditae
antiquitatis (Lyon 1685) X.93, 353-54, no.xciii;
(CIG 3176; W. H. Waddington, Fastes des
provinces asiatiques de l'empire Romain (Paris 1872)
no.139; SIG&S'&sub1;. 289;
SIG&S'&sub2;. 406; Lafoscade, De epistulis
imperatorum magistratuumque Romanorum (Lille 1902) 29
no.62; Quandt, De Baccho, 147;
SIG&S'&sub3;. 851; IGR IV 1399; W.
Hüaut.ttl, Antoninus Pius II (Prague 1933) 349;
J. Krier, Chiron 10 (1980) 449-56; G. Petzl,
ISmyrna 600, with a photo of Cosson's copy).
Cadoux, Smyrna, 266; M. Hasluck, BSA 19
(1912-13) 93 n.4; L. Robert, Op.Min. II 1349;
Nilsson, Mysteries, 48; Petzl, Chiron
13 (1983) 33-36. :h5.Date: :sl
A) Marcus Aurlelius Caesar, son of the emperor Titus
Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus, pater patriae, with
tribunicia potestas, consul for the second time, greetings
to the synodos of those associated with Dionysos Briseus.
.sk Your favor, which you demonstrated by your feelings for me at
the birth of my son (even though this has turned out otherwise)
was no less clear. Our friend, the excellent proconsul, Statilius
Maximus sent your decree. .sk I hope that you are in good health.
From Lorium, 28 March (158). .sk Marcus Antonius Artemas had the
inscription set up as a gift. .sk B) Imperator Caesar, son of
divine Hadrian, grandson of divine Parthic Trajan, descendant of
divine Nerva, Titus Aelius Hadrian Antoninus Augustus,
pontifex maximus, with tribunicia potestas for the
eleventh time, imperator for the second time, consul for the
fourth time, pater patriae, greetings to the
synodos of the mystai in Smyrna. .sk (The text of the
letter is missing.)
tw=n peri\ to\n
The same group is addressed as
suno/dw| tw=n e)n
Smu/rnh| mustw=n in line 26,
below. For Dionysos Briseus, see &nea., above.
Son of Marcus Aurelius, who died
shortly after birth.
Petzl, after Cosson's unpublished
copy; T. *)Atei/lioS1
Ma/cimoS1 (Boeckh). Statilius Maximus was
proconsul in Asia in 157/158; H. Dessau, PIR III S
602; M. FLuss, RE III A.2 (1929) 2193-94 no.24. .cm
check RE already checked dessau
The reading is confirmed by
Cosson's copy (Petzl). For this use of the genitive, see J. and
L. Robert, BE 1982.352; 1984.358.
for mystai of Dionysos
Briseus, cf. nos. &nea., &tea., &wea., &xea..
Petition of the Dionysiac
Technitai to Antonius Pius .sr pea
Thirteen pieces of a larger marble fragment (of a stele?); twelve
in Leiden, Reichsmuseum (inv. no.I. 1900/1.30-1901/11.12), one in
Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum (inv. no.III 781).
A) One fragment in Vienna
AEMöautuc. 9 (1885) 132-34; (cit.IGR IV II 1430;
Quandt, De Baccho, 148) R. Noll, Gr. u. Lat.
Inschr. d. Wiener Antikensammlung (1962) 31, no.39.
B) Twelve fragments in Leiden,
H. Pleket, Leyden
(1958) 66-73, no.58, with photo, pl. XI; (A. M. Woodward,
JHS 79 (1959) 194-96; CR (1959)280-81). A)
and B) G. Petzl, ZPE 14 (1974) 77-87 and pl. IV
(photo); G. Petzl, ISmyrna 598.
The text records summaries of previous decrees requested from the
imperial archives on the Palatine at Rome by an association of
Dionysiac Technitai plus a new decree of Antoninus Pius.
The association of Dionysiac Technitai is the local
synodos of Dionysos Briseus at Smyrna, known from other
The Technitai from Smyrna
have have sent their own delegation to the emperor at Rome.
Specifies a sacrifice to Dionysos
Briseus on the twelfth of the month. The sacrifice seems to be
performed for the sake of the city and for the sake of the health
of the emperor in connection with rites for Dionysos; for the
same combination of ceremonies, cf. texts from Teos:
Anadolu 9 (1965) 35-36, lines 44-47 (no.ofa.,
below) and LSAM 28.12 (no.aga., below).
indicates that wine drinking
played a part in the ceremony at Smyrna.
Servilius (lampadarch in
line 27) is in charge of keeping order at the ceremony. For the
encouragement of orderly conduct in Bacchic ceremonies, cf. the
rules of the Athenian Iobacchoi: SIG&S'&sub3;.
1109.64-65 (meta\ pa/shS1
eu)kosmi/aS1); 73-83; 136-46. L.
Robert, Hellenica 5 (1948) 16-28, explains the rules
for maintaining order
[1eu)kosmi/a]1 at an
oracle of Apollo at Korope.
Summary of the rules pertaining to
the celebration by the Technitai of the emperor's
birthday. There are to be formal wreathing ceremonies and
reclining (at banquets) for five days. Other similar events are
to take place at the Panathenaia and other public festivals. .cm
get birthdy ref book?
The annual five day celebration
for the emperor's birthday. For a similar celebration at Ephesos
for Antonius Pius, see IEphesos 21
(OGIS 493.29 and n.9).
The lampadarch is normally
the official in charge of the torch race that is part of the
Panathenaia. The Panathenaia mentioned above (line 24) must be
the Panathenaia at Athens, where ceremonies were also to take
place for the emperor. The lampadarch mentioned here may
have been an official of the Dionysiac organization. Torch
processions are part of nocturnal celebrations elsewhere (cf.
Arist. Ran., 340). For lamps as part of the
equipment for mystery celebrations in honor of Hadrian's birthday
at Pergamon, see IPergamon 374 B.20
(IGR 353). For torch processions in the cult of
Dionysos elsewhere, see Nilsson, Opusc. sel. III, 194. The
pro/s?[dwn] in line 26 are probably
processions of the association. For koinai\
pro/sodoi of a Dionysiac organization in the
Piraeus, see LSCG 49.11-12 (176/75 B.C.). .cm Get
some primary source references to torch processions. M. says
pannychis .cm possible here .cm 12 Oct started here - change to
List of activities that Servilius
the lampadarch supervised.
Petzl. If the supplement is
correct, the Technitai control the appointment of the
lampadarch. If this is the case, it would have been an office of
the Technitai, and not an office associated with a
Panathenaic festival elsewhere.
Petzl. At the theater of Dionysos
in Athens an official in charge of supervising the theater;
IG II&S'&sub2;. 466, 500, 512, etc., see A.
Pickard-Cambridge, Festivals 266 n.3 (fourth and
third centuries B.C.). Petzl suggests that the line refers to a
summary of an Athenian document, but it is possible that there
was a similar official connected with the theater at Teos
Letter to the synodos of Dionysos
Briseus .sr qea
Once in Smyrna, now lost.
Pococke, Inscr. ant. liber 25 no.34; (cit.CIG 3177;
IGR IV 1400; Quandt, De Baccho, 147-48;
G. Petzl, ISmyrna 601).
Imperator Caesar, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, etc.,
and Imperator Caesar Lucius Aurelius Verus Augustus, with
tribunicia potetas for the...time, consul for the second
time, sons of divine Antoninus, grandsons of divine Hadrian,
descendants of divine Parthic Trajan, descendants of divine
Nerva, greetings to to the sy[nodos of technital and
mystai associated with] Dionysos [Briseus].
Opening salutations of a letter
from Marcus Aurelius and L. Aurelius Verus in reply to a letter
of congratulations from the Dionysiac synodos at
List of patromystai .sr rea
Once in Smyrna; now lost.
Gronov, Memoria Cossoniana 145 no.xxi, from a copy
by D. Cosson (CIG 3195; IGR IV 1434; G.
Petzl, ISmyrna 732, from Cosson's copy, in G.
Cupers' papers, in the Hague).
Poland, Vereinswesen. D 43 D; Quandt, De
Baccho, 148; Nilsson, Mysteries 48.
For the same name, possibly the
same man, see no.tea..4, below.
Soulp[i/kioS1 &-; &-; &-; ]
Identification uncertain.For an L.
Sulpicius Firmus active in the same Dionysiac organization, see
no.rea..14, 16, above A.D. 80). For a Sulpicius
Rufinus, also active in the organization, see no.
oea..18, above (A.D. 158).
Honorary decree of the Technitai
(?) and Mystai .sr sea
Once in the Hochepied Collection in Smyrna; now lost.
R. Pococke, Inscr. ant. liber 25 no.33
(CIG 3210; L. Robert, RPh.  202;
G. Petzl, Talanta 8-9  88 no.22; G. Petzl,
Perhaps the name
Pococke may have seen two square sigmas.
For the reading, see L. Robert,
201-202, with parallels from other cults. A megaron/magaron was
either a cave-like structure, grotto or crypt, or an underground
chamber, often for animal sacrifice. Often associated with
mysteries or oracles, entrance or use was restricted to ritual
specialits; Suda, s.v. me/garon:
ei)S1 to\ me/garon
e)/nqa dh/pou tw=|
qemito\n h)=n (Aelian fr.10 Hercher).
A. Henrichs has shown, ZPE 4 (1969) 33-37, that the term
megaron can refer to a special kind of underground
sacrificial pit (with a built stone perimeter), used for animal
sacrifice and distinct from a bothros (a pit of freshly
For the megaron as a place for sacrifice, Ammonios of
o( Lamptreu\S1 e)n
qusiw=n: fhsi\ ga\r,
bwmoi\ me\n ga/r,
e)sxa/ra de\..., to\
de\ me/garon, h(
e(sti/a, e)/nqa ta\
Dh/mhtroS1; A. Tresp, Die Fragmente
der griech. Kultschriftsteller (1914) 91. Examples have
been excavated at Priene, Agrigento, Knidos, and elsewhere.
Although usually associated with cults of Demeter,
megara are also associated elsewhere with Dionysos. At
Melangeia in Arcadia the o)rgi/a of
Dionysos were performed at a me/garon near a
spring; Paus. 8.6.5. For the dedication of a
me/garon to Dionysos at Abdera, see J.
Bousquet, BCH 62 (1938) 51-54 (=no.xqa.,
Abdera). Nilsson, Mysteries 53, followed by P.
Boyancé., RPAA 33 (1960-61) 18, understands
me/garon as a specifically Dionysiac grotto.
See also L. Robert, Mé.langes Bidez (1934)
810-11=Op. min. II 1005-7.
Boeckh. Cf. no.mea..13,
26, above. Given the trace of a lower horizontal hasta in line 4
(see Boeckh), this supplement is more likely than Ziebarth's
with the context of mystery celebrations impled by the term
me/garon, above, it is tempting to restore
either Ziebarth's or Keil's reading; cf. Photius, fr.870
Köaut.rte: ma/garon, ou)
me/garon, ei)S1 o(\
Honorary decree of the synodos of
Dionysos Briseus. .sr tea
Once in Smyrna; now lost.
(CIG 3190, from copies of Cuper and Muratori;
IGR IV 1433; Quandt, De Baccho, 148) G.
Petzl, ISmyrna 639, from a copy of Cuper in The
The imperial synodos of the Technitai
and mystai associated with Dionysos Briseus (honor) Marcus
Aurelius Iulianus, son of Charidemos, Asiarch for the second
time, stephanephoros (wearer of the crown),
neokoros (temple warden) of the emperors, and bakchos
of the god, because of his piety toward the god and because of
his favor towards the city in all things, and because of the
greatness of the buildings he erected for the city and because of
his disposition toward the people. Menophilos Amerimnos, son of
Metrophanes was treasurer; Aphrodesios Paulos, son of Phoebion
supervised the execution of the decree.
The full title of the association;
see Tod, 1. From this inscription we know that the
Technitai were also mystai. It is characteristic of
these su/nodoi to be called
i(era/, "imperial"; everthing connected with
the emperor is called i(ero/n; cf. Poland,
RE V A (1934) 2482, with parallels. See also Petzl,
ZPE 14 (1974) 86 n.2. Mysteries of Dionysos have become
assimilated to the mysteries of the emperor cult; see Pleket,
HTR 58 (1965) 331-42.
Marcus Aurelius, son of
Charidemos, was Asiarch, leader of the festival of the
koinon of Asia; as neokoros of Augustus, he had charge
of the cult in the temple of the emperor at Smyrna; as
stephanephoros he was the highest official of the city. The
Technitai associated with Dionysos at Smyrna were engaged
in activities associated with the emperor (see no.
pea..22-28, above. For Dionysiac Technitai
organizing a public festival in connection with the emperor
Hadrian, see E. Bosch, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Ankara
im Altertum (Ankara 1967), nos. 128 and 130, (nos. &ada. and
&bda., Ankyra). For imperial mysteries, see H. Pleket, HTR
58 (1965) 331-47.
A term used of worshippers of
Dionysos, probably as early as Archilochos (frag. 322 West) and
established in Greek literature by the fifth century B.C.; see
S.G. Cole, GRBS 21 (1980) 226-30. Euripides uses
ba/kxoS1 of Dionysos himself (Hipp.
560; IT 164; Bacch. 623, 1020; IA 1061).
Ba/kxoS1, when used of worshippers indicates
an identification of the worshipper with the god.
Ba/kxoi are associated with
mu/stai for the first time on a gold tablet from
Hipponion, dated from the context of the find to about 400 B.C.,
SEG XXVI.139; XXVII.674; XXVIII.775bis.
Ba/kxoi, Ba/kxai, as
worshippers of Dionysos, appear with some frequency on Greek
inscriptions: SBBerl (1905) 547 = Peek, GV 1344
(Miletos); MDAI(A) 27 (1902) 94 no.86 (Pergamon);
CIG 3679 (Kyzikos); LSAM 55 = no.sja, below
(Knidos); AEMöautuc. 9 (1887) 48 no.60 (Tomis);
AJA 37 (1933) 215-31 (Torre Nova); SEG II.359
(Gomphi). For the term in compounds on inscriptions, see Cole 231
n.26. The title at Smyrna may refer to a special office in honor
of the god. Cf. LSAM 55 (no.sja, below);
AJA 77 (1933) 258.
Fragment relating to the synodos
of Dionysos .sr uea
"tomb"; see IG XII
(7) 478 (Amorgos); IGR IV 799 (Apameia).
Usually a distribution of money;
here probably a collection.The text probably records the record
of a memorial fund for Kosmikos. His associates, participants in
the synodos, are to meet on the seventh day of a certain
month at his grave, spending ten assaria each for wine drinking
(?) in his honor.
A letter from an Emperor to the
Dionysiac Technitai at Smyrna .sr vea
Found in Smyrna; now in Izmir, Basmane Depot, inv. no.2806.
The Technitai of Dionysos,
as Petzl points out, ZPE 14 (1974) 86 n.2. For the
relationship between the Technitai at Smyrna and the
emperor, cf. nos. &oea., &qea., and &tea., above. Poland,
RE V A.2, 2521, suggested that this text indicates a second
distinct group of Dionysiac Technitai at Smyrna, but this
Lex sacra of a cult of (Dionysos)
Bromios .sr wea
Marble slab, broken below and on right side; whole when found,
now broken into two pieces and mended. H: 0.375; W: 0.48; D:
0.04. Proveniance not certain; museum catalogue says Smyrna. Now
in Leiden, Rijksmuseum, inv. no.I. 1900-1.26.
J. Keil, Anz.Ak.Wien 90 (1953) 16-20 and pl. II.1,
photo of squeeze, from a copy of R. Heberdays (M. Nilsson,
Eranos 53  28-33 [=Mysteries, 133-43];
Sokolowski, LSAM 84; SEG XIV.752; A.D.
Nock, HSCP 63  415-21 [=Essays II
846-52]); Pleket, Leyden (1958) 90-93, no.70; G.
Petzl,ISmyrna 728, with photo of the Vienna
J. and L. Robert, BE 1955.189, 1956.249; G. Daux,
BCH 81 (1957) 1-5.
Second century, according to Keil's evaluation of the letter
forms. Daux does not rule out a third century date. :h4.Text: .tp
naou/S1 te pera=te,
me\n h)/mata a)p'
bre/fouS1, mh\ dh\
to/ssa: &tab;&tab;h)\n de/
&tab;&sub8;&tab;h)\n d' a)\r'
oi)/kwn ti mi/asma
bwmoi=S1? - -
mu/staiS1? - - -
mu/stai qusi/?[aS1 &-; -
- - &tab;&sub1;&sub9;&tab;[mhd]e\?
for? e?i=n S?U?[&-; - -
_____tes, the son of Menander, the theophant, has
dedicated (this): All those who set foot in the temenos
and temples of Bromios, be careful to wait 40 days after the
exposure of a newborn baby, so that divine wrath may not be
aroused; likewise so many days after a woman's abortion (or
miscarriage). But if fateful death cover any relative, be
excluded from the propylon a third part of a month; but if
a pollution comes from other people's families, wait three suns
after the corpse perishes. Do not go near the altars of the lord
if you are wearing black clothing; nor lay hands on sacrifices of
sacrificial victims not to be offered (or: unoffered sacrifices
of sacrificial victims), nor even set (?) an egg as a meal in the
Bakcheia, and it is not lawful to burn heart on the sacred
altars, and stay away from mint, which (?) ............. which is
the most hateful root from the seed of beans ........ proclaim to
the mystai (about) the Titans ........ and it is not
lawful for them to make rattling noises with reeds, on the days,
on which the mystai ....... sacrifices ........ and do not
wear (?) ..........
The lex sacra limits entry to temples and temenos
of Bromios. Compared with other leges sacrae it is unusual
in two respects. First, it is the only known lex sacra in
verse, and second, the priest who set it up gives his name
(otherwise done only at Philadelphia, in an unusual cult; see
LSAM 20.4). The cult of Bromios was a mystery cult with
specific regulations about pollutions resulting from certain
activities, certain foods and clothing, and certain improper
sacrificial procedures. The text appears to show Orphic and
[Glauke/]thS1, but the possibilities
are too numerous to count.
a new formation, but cf.
Sebastofa/nthS1, all terms
associated with mysteries. J. and L. Robert, BE
1958.415, say that the Sebastophantes showed the image of the
emperor. See Festugiè.re, REG 64 (1951) 478 n.2;
IGR IV 481 (Termessos). For an ei)kw\n
Sebastou=, see L. Robert, REA 62
(1960) 322-323. Nilsson thinks that the priest revealed the power
of the god with words and hymns, but Pleket, HTR 5 (1965)
339-40, by analogy with the Sebastophantes, argues more
persuasively that the theophantes here showed the image of
Keil associates this sanctuary
with that of Dionysos Briseus at Smyrna. The god is called
Bromios in this inscription. The poetic form of the text perhaps
allows some licence in the choice of epithet, but the content of
the text is very different from the content of the texts
associated with Dionysos Briseus. The lex sacra refers to
ascetic practices that seem inconsistent with the festivities of
the theatrical mystai and Technitai of Dionysos
Briseus. Further, the origin of the stone is not recorded. While
the inscription was at one time part of a collection of items
from Smyrna, its original find spot is not known, and it may not
have come from Smyrna.
a poetic name for Bakchos/Dionysos; its appearance here in a
cultic context is determined by the form of the text. That the
name Bromios does not occur elsewhere at Smyrna should not argue
against the attribution of this text to Smyrna.
Required waiting periods for
activities causing pollution.
For exposure of a child, forty
days. A lex sacra from Ptolema&itrema.s requires 14 days
in some cases and may have required 40 days in others;
LSCG Suppl. 119, first century B.C. (the text is corrupt).
Nilsson attributes the requirement at Smyrna to the concern for
children in Bacchic cults. Cameron, CR 46 (1932) 109-10,
argues that in spite of the widespread practice of exposure of
unwanted children in antiquity, a special concern for children
who died shortly after birth appears as early as Plato, and
suggests that this was an Orphic concern. A child who died too
soon [1a)/wroS1]1 was assigned a
special place of suffering in the underworld (Verg. Aen.
6.426; Plut. De Gen.Soc. 590f; Luc. Kat. 5; Tert.
De Anima 55). Exposure of children was also a concern of
one branch of the Stoics (Mus. Ruf. 15). The divinity for whom
the text from Ptolema&itrema.s was inscribed is not known, and it
is therefore impossible to conclude that a concern for an exposed
child was a feature of Bacchic cult. Children seem to have played
an important role in Dionysiac cult in the Imperial period. They
appear often in representations of Dionysaic cult activity; see
F. Matz, DIONUSIAKH TELETH
[1Wiesbaden 1963]1 pl. 8.1, the initiation of a young
boy. Dionysiac motifs decorate the sarcophagoi of children who
died young; see F. Matz, Die dionysischen Sarkophage
(Berlin 1968-75) nos. 16, 78, 156, 199-202, 214, 230, 236.
Dionysiac themes, howver, appear infrequently in the epitaphs for
children who died young; see A-M. Vé.rilhac,
PAIDES AWROI (ATHENS 1978) I nos. 47, 79,
80, 190, 196.
For a miscarriage or abortion, 40
days. Greek vocabulary does not distinguish between voluntary and
involuntary abortion; see J. and L. Robert, BE
1955.189. A waiting period of forty days after miscarriage or
abortion is customary in other cults; see E. Nardi, Eranion in
honorem G. S. Maridakis I (Athens 1963) 432-85 and Studi
in onore di Edoardo Volterra I (Milan 1971) 141-48; R.
Parker, Miasma (Oxford 1983) 354-56. In addition to the
inscription from Ptolema&itrema.s (which gives 40 days for
miscarrage or abortion), cf. LSCG Suppl. 54 (Delos), 91
(Lindos); LSCG 55 (Laurion), 139 (Lindos). LSCG 171
(Isthmos) gives a ten day waiting period; BCH 102 (1978)
325 (Megalopolis) gives 44 days. LSCG 124 (Eresos)
requires a waiting period of 40 days in the case of a stillbirth.
Forty days at Smyrna, therefore, is not excessive.
The waiting period for the death
of a relative is one third of a month, for the death of someone
not related, it is only three days. For death as a source of
pollution, see T. Wäaut.chter, Reinheitsvorschriften im
griechischen Kult (RGVV 9, Giessen 1910) 43-63; L. Moulinier,
Le pur et l'impur dans la pensé.e des Grecs (Paris
1952) 76-81; Nilsson, GGR I&S'&sub3;., 95-98; Parker,
Miasma, 32-73. The waiting periods for death vary
considerably, from one day for a relative and three for an
acquaintance (LSAM 12, Pergamon), 20 days for a relative
and 3 for an acquaintance (LSCG 124, Eresos), to 41 days
for a relative (LSCG Suppl. 91, Lindos). The waiting
periods for the cult in Smyrna, therefore, are not unusual.
For the requirement of purification after contact with a
corpse as a concern for one practicing teletai, see D.L.
8.33 (Kern, OF 214). The source may be a Pythagorean
writer of the fourth century; I.M. Linforth, The Arts of
Orpheus (Berkeley 1941) 152.
10-15 Prohibited objects:
a rare word. Daux, BCH 82
(1958) 358-59, compares IG XII (5) 739.43 and Bacchyl.
3.3. For the prohibition of black clothing from sanctuaries, see
LSCG 68 (cult of Demeter at Lykosoura). The wearing of
white was a requirement in some Orphic or Phythagorean groups;
see Hdt. 2.81; Eur. Cret. 79 (Austin); Diog. Laert. 8.19;
Iamb. VP 100, 149, 155.
See Phrynichos 141 Fischer; Machon 302 Gow; Petzl ad loc.
For the same spelling in papyri, see F.T. Gignac, A Grammar
of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods
(Milan 1981) II 408d.
An apparent contradiction, but the
word a)/qutoS1 has several meanings. As a
verbal adjective it can be both active and passive; see Smyth,
Greek Grammar 472c. When applied to sacrifice, it
can mean: a) sacrifices "which have not been offered" (Eur.
Hipp. 145-57; Lys. 26.6) or b) sacrifices whose issue is not
favorable (Aeschin.3.131, 152). When applied to the sacrificial
victim, it can mean c) "not sacrificed" (Suda s.v.
a)/qutoS1 refers to unsacrificiable carcases
of animals that had apparently died a natural death), or d) "not
yet sacrificed" (Sem. 7.56, where a)/qusta are
pieces of sacrificial offerings for holocaust not yet consumed by
the fire; see Verdenius, Mnemosyne 21  145, followed
by Lloyd-Jones, Females of the Species [London 1975] 78
n.56; cf. Zingerle, Jöautuc.AI 24  Beibl. 114,
on Steinleitner, Die Beicht [Munich 1913] 59-60 no.32. See
also Herrmann, SBWien  58-63 no.15, esp. 61,
followed by J. and L. Robert, BE 1970.511). Finally,
in a classification of sacrificial animals,
a)/qutoS1 refers to animals "which should not
be sacrificed" or which are "not able to be sacrificed" (Lib.
13.63, where the people of Potideia, beseiged by the Athenians,
are described as eating first, all the animals that were
qu/sima then those that were
a)/qusta before having to resort to eating each
other). For the whole subject, see G. Berthiaume, Les
rô.les du má.geiros (Leiden 1982) 81-87.
Among certain religious groups some species normally
acceptable for sacrifice might be excluded. It is possible that
such a case exists here for the particular group who set up this
inscription. Plato shows that some groups distinguished what was
sacrificiable from what was not on the basis of what was
a)/yuxoS1 and what was
e)/myuxoS1 (Leg. 6.782c). Euripides,
Cret. 79 (Austin), in a list of ritual requirements,
includes two, or perhaps three, which correspond to requirements
in this inscription: avoidance of black clothing and avoidance of
death. A third ritual concern in the fragment is the avoidance of
meat of "edible beings possessed of soul", th\n
pefu/lagmai 19-20). For abstinence from
those things which are e)/myuxoS1, cf. the
bilingual inscription of Asoka, Pouilloux, Choix
d'inscriptions grecques (Paris 1960) 16 no.53, with
commentary by L. Robert, Journal Asiatique 246 (1958)
14-16, (middle of the third century B.C.); see also
Pugliese-Carratelli, ASAA 23-24 (1961-62) 308
no.158.7-8 (Cyrene), for prohibition of sacrifice of anything
e)/myuxon to Zeus
(Uperforeu/S1. .cm ep prob from
u(perfe/rw, excell The concern for
eating something possessed of soul is explained by Iamblichus,
VP 85 = DK 58 C 4, where he says that animals
acceptable for eating correspond to animals fit
(qe/miS1) to be sacrificed, and the only animals
fit to be sacrificed are those into which the human soul does not
According to Nilsson, the
mysteries themselves, but the term may refer simply to bacchic
celebrations at which mysteries were peformed.
Nilsson says that this is our only
evidence for a sacred meal in Bacchic mysteries, but because the
content of the inscription is concerned wih sacrifice, and
because the common result of sacrifice was a sacrificial meal, it
should be no surprise to find that the initiates referred to in
this inscription partook of a sacrificial feast.
The prohibition of eggs is usually
considered to be Pythagorean (e.g., Diog. Laert. 8.33), but in
this inscription it is not complete prohibition that is required,
but only exclusion of eggs from specific feasts. Nilsson sees in
this requirement evidence for Orphic influence on Bacchic belief,
arguing that Orphic cosmology, where the egg is the ultimate
source of life and matter, is the issue here.
For the association of Dionysos with the original egg in
Orphic cosmogonies, see G. Wojaczek, Daphnis (Meisenheim
am Glan 1969) 74-83, discussing the Dionysiac motifs implicit in
the myth of Prokne and Itys, as used by Simias in his
technopaignia, The Egg. For a summary of these
cosmogonies, see L. Alderink, Creation and Salvation in
Ancient Orphism (American Classical Studies 8, 1981) 36-39.
The earliest is Ar. Av. 690-702. Eggs, however, do not
appear with Dionysos until the fourth century B.C.; for a
Tanagran protome of Dionysos holding an egg, see British
Museum Cat. 874, illustrated in color by R. A. Higgins,
Greek Terracottas (London 1967) 79 pl. C.
The egg seems to have had a special significance for Dionysiac
initiates. Plutarch, discussiong an Orphic hieros logos
that calls the egg the origin of all things, says
o(/qen ou)k a)po\
tro/pou toi=S1 peri\
mi/mhma tou= ta\
Conv. 636d&; cf. D.L. 8.33, and Schol. Luc. p.280.3 [Rabe]).
Macrobius also associates beliefs about the egg with Dionysiac
mysteries: et ne videar plus nimio extulisse ovum elementi
vocabulo, consule initiatos sacris Liber patris, in quibus hac
veneratione ovum colitur ut ex forma tereti ac paene sphearali
atque indique versam clausa et includente intra se vitam, mundi
simulacrum vocetur, mundum autem consensu omnium constat
universitatis esse principium (Sat. 7.16.8); cf. P.
Boyancé., MEFR 52 (1935) 95ff.; for Macrobius'
borrowing from Plutarch, see J. Flamant, Macrobe et le
né.o-Platonisme latin (Leiden 1977) 180-81. For the
significance of the egg to Bacchic worshippers and for the egg as
an offering to the dead, see Nilsson, ARW 11 (1908) 539-46
= Opusc. sel. I 3-24, with add. II 1057.
Worshippers are forbidden to burn
hearts in sacrificial rites. Karpou=n, whose
primary meaning is associated with the offering of fruits of the
earth, when used of animal sacrifice, refers to the burning or
consumption of the meat by fire (Ziehen, LGS II 321 n.9):
Hesych., s.v. karpwqe/nta:
ta\ e)pi\ bwmou=
kaqagisqe/nta; Suda, s.v.
a)gi/wS1. Cf. Phot., s.v.
Opferbräaut.uche der Griechen (1910, reprint 1972)
166-68, says that in this context it means "to burn totally", but
see Dittenberger, SIG&S'&sub3;. 584 n.2.
For karpou=n meaning "burn" in leges
sacrae, see LSCG 151.A32-33 (Kos, sacrifice to Hestia,
fourth century B.C.); LSCG 135.69-83 (Thera, sacrifice to
the Muses and the heroes Phoenix and Epiktetes, end of the third
or beginning of the second century B.C.); LSAM 17.8-10
(Smyrna, first century B.C. = ISmyrna 735);
LSCG 52.4-6 (Athens, sacrifice to Nephthys and Osiris, first
century A.D.). Sokolowski, LSCG 256, agreeing with
Dittenberger, Ziehen, and Hiller, against Stengel, sees the
origin of the meaning of "burn" in the burning of fruits, later
extended to the burning of flesh. He compares S. Daniel,
Recherches sur le vocabulaire du cult dans la Septante (Diss.
Paris 1966) 165-74: "donner le bé.né.fice d'une chose
à. une divinité.." K. Meuli, "Griechische
Opferbräaut.uche," Gesammelte Schriften II (Stuttgart
1975) 932, says that karpou=n must have
originally mant "to cut up in little pieces."
In sacrificial ritual, according
to the usual procedure, the heart was included with the
spla/gxa, placed on the fire, roasted, and
eaten by the worshippers (Scol. Od. 3.470; Stengel,
Opferbräaut.uche 75; Burkert, Homo Necans
(Berkeley 1983) 6; Religion 56-57.
In some cases the heart seems to have been cut out of the
victim separately, placed on the altar, and sprinkled with fat or
blood (Lucian, De Sacr. 13; Arg. Orph. 315-16
Dottin; Suda, s.v.
kardiwsa/menoS1; Hesych., s.v.
kardiou=sqai&; Galen, De Plac. Hipp.
et Plat. 2.4 p. 243 Küaut.hn; for which see A. Henrichs,
Die Phoinikika des Lollianos [Bonn 1972] 71-72). For a
parody of the procedure, see Euphron.frag. 1.18-19 (Athen.
379e-380b). Clement of Alexandria associates
kardioukli/a with the mysteries of
Brimo (Demeter) and also with those of Attis and the Korybantes
(Prot. 2.15 Stäaut.hlin). An inscription from Ephesos
indicates that hearts were routinely removed from sacrificial
victims (LSCG Suppl. 121.7-8=IEphesos
10.7=1201A.7, third century). Whether in this second procedure
the heart was actually eaten by the worshippers is nowhere
stated. The passage from the Suda suggests that the heart was
burned as part of the holocaust.
In the present inscription the restriction against burning the
heart of victims on the altar indicates that the sacrificial
procedure used here differed from the normal. There are two
possible reasons. Either the heart was felt to be a source of
pollution, as in a cult of an unknown deity at Rhodes, where
heart, beans, and sexual activity are listed as such (LSCG
Suppl. 108, first century, perhaps to be associated wih
either Asklepios or Sarapis; see S. Accame, Memorie,
pubblicate a cura dell' Istituto storico-archeologico
F.E.R.T. 3  71-84; J. and L. Robert, BE
1946-47.157) or the heart had a special meaning for the group who
Pythagoreans did not eat the heart of any animal. According to
Aulus Gellius (4.11), Plutarch (fr. 122 Sandbach) attributed this
fact to Aristotle (frag. 194 Rose; see also Plut. Quaes.
Conv. 635c; cf. Porph. VP 42 (=DK 58 C 6:
e)sqi/ein). The Pythagoreans did not
eat heart because they believed that the heart was the source of
life and strength (Clem. Al. Str. 2.17.2, 2.22.5; see M.
Tierney, Mé.langes E. Boisacq [Brussels 1935]
317-21; W. Burkert, Weisheit und Wissenschaft
[Nüaut.rnberg 1962] 166-67=Lore and Science in Ancient
Pythagoreanism [Cambridge MA 1972] 180-85). Such a
restriction could be operative here. It is almost certain that
the restriction here is explained by the myth of the
dismemberment of Dionysos by the Titans, where Athena preserves
the heart of Dionysos (Firm. Mat. De Err. Prof. Relig. 6
p.15,2 Ziegler=Kern, OF 214). The myth, in its essentials,
may be as old as the fifth century B.C. (Pind. frag. 133; cf. W.
Burkert, Homo Necans, 225 n.43.). The Titans themselves
are .cm this is the american ed mentioned in this inscription
(see line 16); for reservations about this connection, however,
see Henrichs, Lollianos, 70 n.6. M. Tierney, CQ 16
(1922) 77-88, argues that the Gurob papyrus (=Kern,
OF 31) describes a sacrifice of a ram and goat to Dionysos
Zagreus, where the heart was not eaten, but taken away, reading
in line 3 [kar]dioforeiaS1
teleth/n and arguing on the basis of Clem. Al.
Protr. 2.22, that kardi/ai were part of
the secret objects in the Dionysiac cista mystica.
The ususal spelling was
h(du/osmoS1; cf. Anth. Pal.
11.413 (Ammien, second century). The reading
h(deo/smou was originally proposed by
P. Maas in M. N. Tod, Gnomon 28 (1956) 460; cf. J.
Kallé.ris in G. Daux, BCH 81 (1957) 1-5, with
reference to Hipp. Morb. Sacr. 2 p. 589 Küaut.hn
(abstinence from mi/nqh and black clothing). For
restrictions regarding mint and parsley, cf. Sext. Emp.,
Pyrr. 3.224.4-6: a)pe/xontai
de\ e)n &<;oi(=S1&>;
mi/nqhS1, e)n oi(=S1
e)n oi(=S1 de\
seli/nou (the context is a cross-cultural
comparison of food resrictions). For o(
h(du/osmon, "sweet smelling", as
equivalent to o( mi/nqoS1/h(
mi/nqh, see Strab. 8.344c, Poll. 6.68,
Geopon. 12.24, etc.; Steir, RE 15.2 (1932) 2020.
For abstinence from mint in cult, see Wäaut.chter,
Reinheitsvorschriften im griechischen Kult (RGVV
9, Giessen 1910) 106.
Mint had many household and medicinal uses in antiquity. It
was commonly believed to be an aphrodisiac (pro\S1
a)frodi/sia, Gal. 11 p.882K), but
it was also thought to be a local contraceptive for women (Diosc.
MM 3.34.2; Plin.HN 20.147) and in large
quantities to produce impotence in men ([Hipp.] Reg.
Cf. OP. Hal.
3.488-97: kli/nato d)
pa/goio, &bar; dh\ to/te
mhni/sasa &bar; Dhmh/thr
e)/kqore gai/hS1. Ovid knew the
story of Minthe, daughter of Peitho, changed by Persephone into a
plant (Met 10.728-30; cf. schol. Nic.
Alex. 374; Lobeck, Aglaophamus (1829) II
833-34). .cm this is Nicander, Alexipharmaca- Demeter and
Persephone find Minthe an abominable rival, but Demeter herself
once accepted a drink made with mint, barley and water. This mint
was pennyroyal [1blh/xwn or
terei/nh|, Hymn. Hom. 2.209).
For the medicinal uses of
blh/xwn/glh/xwn, see A.
Delatte, Le cycé.on (Paris 1955) 726
(BAB:Ecit. 40 ).
There were various forms of mint, some beneficial,
others harmful. An Orphic poem explains why
kala/minqoS1, a wild form of
h(du/osmon, once "a great and fruitful
(fere/karpon]1 plant upon the
earth" became a plant sterile and without fruit
(a)/karpon]1: Demeter, in her grief
changed its nature (Etym. Gud. s.v.
mi/nqh; Kern, OF 44). The mythical
character Minthe and the plant she represents seem to be
associated with the cult of Demeter. Strabo gives the myth of
Persephone and Minthe as aetiology for the mountain named for
Minthe, located in the area of Pylos, near a temenos of Hades and
a grove of Demeter; Strab. 8.3.14, 344c.
The issue here, however, is why such a plant should have
meaning for Dionysiac cult. The Orphic poet, who explains the
transformation of wild mint from fruitful to barren is perhaps
the clue. Dionysos, like Demeter is a god of plant and human
fertility. Like Demeter he is known by the epithet
Karpofo/roS1; see SEG
19.481-83, 24.1122, 1124; For
Kallika/rpoS1, see below nos. &oma
(Mopsuestia), &qma, &rma (Aigeai). For
Poluka/rpoS1, see IGBR
I&S'&sub2;. 195.1-2, apparatus (Odessos). For
Eu)ka/rpoS1, see IGBR:Ecit.
I&S'&sub2;. 351 (Messambria). Dionysos is associated with forces
that make the earth and humans fruitful. For his epithet
Fleu/S1, "one who makes to swell or teem with
abundance," see IEphesos 902, 1257, 1270, 1595 (=nos.
&nga., &sga., &qga., &rga.); IErythrai 207 (=no.
ifa.); IPriene 174 (=no.pha.).
For a discussion of the meaning of the epithet, see no.
nga. (Ephesos), on lines 6-7. For these characteristics
as especially characteristic of Dionysos in Ionia and Ionian
colonies on the Black Sea, see N. Ehrhardt, Milet und seine
Kolonien (Frankfurt 1983) 169-70. Dionysos himself is
described by Fere/karpoS1 (Hymn.
Orph. 50.10), the same epithet used by the Orphic poet to
describe mint before Demeter's attack made it sterile. It is
Dionysos' power as a god of fertility that would be directly
threatened by a plant associated with sterility. It is important
to note that Dionysos was thought to have influence not only on
the fertility of the earth, but on the potency and fertility of
humans, males in particular. This aspect of Dionysiac frenzy is
best represented in cult by the Phallephoria, the processions at
the Dionysia where reprentations of the phallos were carried
around the theater. This aspect of Dionysos is not restricted to
fertility rituals, but seems to have been part of the worship of
Dionysos as god of the theater. For evidence from Delos for the
celebration of the phallephoria as part of the Dionysia,
see P. Bruneau, Recherches sur les cultes de
Dé.los (Paris 1970) 312-321, texts dating from 304
to 169 B.C.; see no.tta, Delos). For Dionysos as the
god of the fallhfo/ria, see Herter,
RE XXXVIII (1938) 1673-81. When Dioscorides
describes the negative effects of a surfeit of mint on the sexual
capacity of the male, he describes a reaction that would threaten
the role of Dionysos as a god of male potency and sexual
activity. It is this aspect of Dionysiac fertility that the
prohibition against mint at Smyrna must have been designed to
Apparently a command to avoid
beans, "the most hateful root of beans, from the seed of the
Titans." As with others of the prohibitions in this inscription,
this one can be associated with Pythagorean eating restrictions.
Beans were associated with death (Diog. Laert. 8.33) and with
generation; see A. Delatte, Serta Leodiensia (Paris 1930)
28-40, 50-53, with reference to Aul. Gell. 11.1-2, 10; Diog.
Laert. 8.34 (=DK 58 C 3; Arist. frag. 195 Rose). However,
this restriction too seems to have a more specific context,
especially because beans are said to be derived from the seeds of
the Titans. According to the Orphic myth, the Titans killed the
child Dionysos (Diod. Sic. 3.62.2-8; 5.75.4); see A.J.
Festugiè.re, RBi 4 (1935) 376-77
[=EBACKSPACE´.tudes de religion grecque et
hellé.nistique (Paris 1972) 42-43]; Pleket, 91-92.
It is this word that indicates
that the ceremonies protected by the prohibitions listed here
were mystery ceremonies.
reeds split in such a way as to
make a noise when shaken by hand; see schol. Ar. Nub. 260
(I.3.1, p. 64 and 3.2 p. 253 Koster). For
kra/tala (rattles) in Dionysiac rites, cf.
Nonn. Dion. 16.402; for representations, see the frieze
of the temple of Dionysos at Teos, W. Hahland,
Jöautuc.AI 38 (1950) 75. Cf. the maenad holding cymbals
on a Roman sarcophagus, F. Matz, Sarkophage IV
Bronze Seal .sr xea
Bronze seal; H: 0.031; W: .023. From left to right: seated
Sarapis (or Dionysos Briseus?) wearing kalathos and holding
septer, facing right; bearded emperor wearing laruel wreath,
facing right; young emperor without beard, wearing laurel wreath,
facing left; empress with hair parted in ringlets, facing left.
From Smyrna, collection of H.F. Borrell; now in the British
Museum. inv. no. GR 1866.8-4.2.
LBW 248; H.B. Walters, Catalogue of Bronzes in
the British Museum (1889) 165, no.887; (Quandt, De
Baccho, 148); BMI II, p. 4; M. Hasluck,
BSA 19 (1912-13) 92-93 and fig. 1, photo; W.
Hornbostel, Sarapis (Leiden 1973) 76 and pl. XII.16,
photo; D. Klose, Jahrbuch füaut.r Numismatik und
Geldgeschichte 33 (1983) 523-24 and pl.12.1, photo
(SEG XXXV.1148); Späaut.tantike und
früaut.hes Christentum (Ausstellung im Liebieghaus
Museum alter Plastik, Frankfurt 1983-84) 523-24 no.131, with
photo; Petzl, ISmyrna 729.
Either Philip I, his wife
Otacilia, and their son, later Philip II (Walters, Klose) or
Gallienus, Salonina, and Salonius (Waddington, Cadoux?) Hasluck
associates this seal with the Dionysiac synodos known from
other inscriptions at Smyrna, and suggests that it was the
official seal of the group. If this is correct, one would expect
the divinity to be Dionysos Briseus, but the kalathos
suggests Sarapis. Syncretism of the two divinities is not
unlikely at this late date. Petzl points out that a bearded
Dionysos (Briseus?) appears on coins of Smyrna: BMC
Ionia, 287 no.395, Julia Domna.
It is the epithet pro\
po/lewS1 that identifies this text as
Dionysiac; see above, no.nea..6-7, with note. In this
inscription it is the mu/stai who are called
pro\ po/lewS1 and
Breise/wn. The epithets usually associated
wih the god have been applied to his worshippers. For Dionsysos
pro\ po/lewS1 at Smyrna, see &nea,
above, lines 6-7. L. Robert, in his summary of the uses of the
expression pro\ po/lewS1 as applied
to divinities, sanctuaries, and priests, Amyzon I, 171-76
(see also EBACKSPACE´.tudes anat. 25 n.2; La Carie II
176 n.1; Hellenica 6  79; BE 1978.462),
does not consider the expression as applied to worshippers. As
applied to worshippers, here and at Ephesos (see no.
rga., below; R. Merkelbach, ZPE 36 (1979)
151-56). the term is in the attributive position, modifying the
worshippers. Because mystery rites are by definition secret and
therefore private and personal, the expression as used here can
not mean "public" or "official" as it sometimes does elsewhere,
but must refer to the fact that the term as applied to Dionysos
himself had, at Smyrna, a spacial reference, denoting that his
sanctuary stood outside the walls, and that the festival was
celebrated in the countryside, in the open air.
Dedication to Dionysos Briseus .sr
Found near the stadium, now lost.
J. Spon.Miscellanea eruditae antiquitatis (Lyon
1685) 354 no.XCIV; Gronov, Memoria Cossoniana 149
no.XXXIX, from Cosson's copy (CIG 3160; Quandt,
De Baccho, 147; Petzl, ISmyrna
Hymnodoi appear often in
emperor cult; see IPergamon 374; L. Robert,
REA 62 (1960) 318, 321-22, 341-42 (=Op. min.
II 834, etc.); Pleket, HTR:Ecit. 58 (1965) 342-43. For
hymnodoi at Smyrna, cf. Petzl, ISmyrna 594-95. For a
survey of the cities where hymnodoi sang in honor of the
emperor, see J. Keil, JOBACKSPACE¨aut.AI 11 (1908)
101-10. .cm checked/ cities are Hypaipa, Ephesos, Pergamon and
Smyrna For supplements to Ziehen, RE Supp. VII
(1940) s.v. "Hymnodoi," see BE 1941.9. See also note
on no.aga..7 (Teos).
Dedication of Two Nemeseis to
Dionysos .sr zea
Stone once in Smyrna, now lost.
Gronov, Memoria Cossoniana 148 no.33
(CIG 3161; Quandt, De Baccho, 147; G.
Petzl, ISmyrna 759, with Cosson's facsimile).
The two principal divinities of
Smyrna; see Petzl, ISmyrna 628, 649, 650, 697, 725,
740-42. The Nemeseion was located in the agora; Martyrium
Pionii 6.3, 15.2, 18.13-14 Bastiaensen, etc. (1987) (L.
Robert, Op. Min. II 835, IV 187). Pausanias, 7.5.3,
says that two Nemeseis, daughters of Night, were worshipped at
Smyrna. Petzl, on 741.4-6, compares a dedication from Asturica
(Tarraconensis) to the two Smyrnian Nemeseis (SEG
32.1082bis), a grave inscription from Maionia that
mentions the two Nemeseis (see C.P. Jones, Phoenix
38  285), and an inscribed relief from Tomis that includes
a representation of the Smyrnaian Nemeseis, G. Bordenache,
Studii Clasice:Ecit. 6 (1964) 163-67 no.II. See also L. Robert,
BCH 106 (1982) 376-77 and fig. 29. For the pair on coins
of Smyrna, see BMC Ionia nos. 133, 150, 227, 232, 241,
372, 383, 384, 393, 422, 442, 464; SNG von Aulock 2231.
For the pair on a relief, see IG XII (2) 520. For an
obviously embellished account that associates the founding of
their cult with a dream of Alexander the Great, see H.W. Parke,
The Oracles of Apollo (London 1985) 126-27. For the
doubling of divinities, see L. Robert, Carie 143-44;
T. Hadzisteliou-Price, JHS 91 (1971) 48-69; .cm this
is checked H.S. Versnell, Faith Hope and Worship
(Leiden 1981) 11-12; L. Robert, BCH 107 (1983) 559,
The text is an irregular dactylic
line with seven feet.
Fragment of a decree (?) with
eponymous date .sr afa
Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides; from the Millosicz
collection from Smyrna. H: 0.26; W: 0.28; D: 0.04. Vienna,
Kunsthistorisches Museum, Inv. no.III 782.
E. Santo, AEMöautuc. 9 (1885) 134; : (cit.IGR IV
1406; Quandt, De Baccho, 148) Petzl, G. Petzl,
ISmyrna 730, with photo. :h4.Comments; R. Noll,
Griech. und lat. Inschriften der Wiener
Antikensammlung (1962) 39 no.76.
usually of Dionysos at Smyrna; see
nos. 3 and 13, above. For Demeter pro\
po/lewS1, cf. ISmyrna 655.
Dedication of a stibas for the
Ganymeditai .sr bfa
Inscribed stone block, built into a wall south of the train
station at Basmane; all editions derive from Ramsay's copy.
W.M. Ramsay, AJA 1 (1885) 138-40 no.1; A. Frontrier,
REA 9 (1907) 116 no.15; G. Petzl,
J. Ziehen, MDAI(A) 17 (1892) 190-91; F. Poland,
RE III A.2 (1929) Merkelbach, Die Hirten, 63.
First or second century (?). :h4.Text: .tp 10 13
M. Sertorius Aristolykos erected the stibas
for the Ganymeditai at his own expense, when M. Ulpius Juliannus
the reading, although doubted by
Poland, is probably correct. Stiba/S1 is a
term used originally to refer to matttresses of straw. For the
term used of mats of ivy on which Dionysiac worshippers lay while
feasting, see Philostr. Vit. Soph. 2.1.3 (p. 58.2. 
Kaysor 1871). Later the term is used to refer to the Dionysiac
organization (IG II&S'&sub2;. 1368.48=SIG&S'&sub3;.
1109; LSCG 51), the meeting place of the organization
(ibid., 63, 70), or the day of the festival (ibid.,
112, 114-15, 152; cf. K. Buresch, Aus Lydien [Leipzig
1898] 61 and L. Deubner, Attische Feste [Berlin 1932]
In this inscription from Smyrna stiba/S1
must refer to the meeting place or building. An inscription from
Istros offers a parallel: I Stoian, Dacia n.s. 14 (1970)
397.8-9: th\n stiba/da
e)poi/hse e)k tw=n
i)di/wn; cf. Dessau 3369, 3370 and
IG XII (1) 786.21. D.M. Pippidi, Studi Clasice 14
(1972) 201-204, 220, (J. and L.Robert, BE 1971.441,
1973.303) argues that the term at Istros refers to a sacred
Dionysiac building. C. Picard, CRAI (1944) 127-57 and
BCH 68-69 (1944-45) 24 ff., argues that the related term
stiba/deion is equivalent to
stiba/S1 and can be applied to a series of
niche-shaped buildings associated with Dionysos at Thasos, Delos,
Pergamon , and perhaps Tenos and Athens. Pergamon, however, is
the only site on his list where the term appears on an
inscription, and it is not certain that the building Picard
identifies there as the stiba/deion was
actually the one named in the text. See IPergamon 220; cf.
no.mca., above, for
stiba/deion. See also E. Ohlemutz,
Die Kulte und Heiligtüaut.mer der Göaut.tter in
Pergamon (Wüaut.rzburg 1940) 112.
Petzl plausibly associates the
group named here with wine drinking and suggests that they may
have had a role in Dionysiac cult as cup-bearers. The Ganymeditai
would therefore have been young men. For adolescents as
cupbearers at symposia, see J. Bremmer, Arethusa 13 (1980)
286. Add to his evidence the adolescent boys as wine-servers in
Attic symposium scenes, e.g., London E68 (ARV&S'&sub2;.
371, 24); London E 49 (ARV&S'&sub2;. 432, 52);
Compiè.gne 1102 (ARV&S'&sub2;. 341,1).
Picard less plausibly suggests, CRAI (1944) 154
n.1, that the Ganymeditai were associated with Dionysos because
Ganymede's elevation to Olympos symbolized a conquest of death.
Cf. F. Cumont, Recherches sur le symbolisme funé.raire
des Romains 97-98 and pl. VII.2. Theokritos, 15.123-24,
describing the return of Adonis from the underworld implies that
Ganymede (or a statue of him) presided over the event.
Vase inscription. .sr yma
Private collection, provenience unknown; said to be from
BCH 15 (1891) 455.
An enigmatic address.
Polufh/mhtoS1, if correctly read,
is not otherwise known. .cm not in TLG
Honors conferred by the Dionysiac
synodos .sr cfa
Piece of a column drum; at one time in the Evangelical School at
Smyrna; now lost. H: 1.04.
J. Keil, Skizzenbuch Smyrna VI 324. G. Petzl,
ISmyrna 652, with Keil's facsimile. :h4.Text: .tp 10 13
epithets of Dionysos can be used
of the worshippers as well as of the god; cf. nos. &tea., &xea.,
Probably a teacher of language,
rhetoric, and literature; see Herzog, SBBerlin 32
(1935) 967-1019; .cm check K. Bringman, EA 2 (1983)
51; .cm check J. and L. Robert, BE 1973.414.
Mosaic with inscription. .sr dfa
Mosaic, 18.50m x 5.93m, with inscription near center, where a
piece, 0.65m x 0.59m, without mosaic, was apparently the site of
a statue or an altar. The main field of the mosaic depicts
kantharoi, from which grow tendrils of ivy. Found in Burnova,
near Izmir; today the inscription is preserved at Anadolu
G. Rohde, Tüaut.rk Tarih, Arkeologya ve Etnografya
Dergisi 4 (1940) 67-71, with photos, figs. 5-6; (J. and L.
Robert,BE 1944.159a; A. Merlin, AE
1951.255; SEG XV.727); G. Petzl,
Beginning of the third century (Rohde). Severan period (Petzl).
:h4.Text: .tp 5 8
I, Titus Julius Septimius Julianus of Smyrna,
hereditary councillor, victor in the games, Xystarch (president
of the athletic games), hereditary owner of the property from my
ancestors, have had this mosaic pavement made for the
T. Julius Septimius Julianus had a
meeting place for the Bacchic organization built on his own
There are many examples of mosaic
floors with Dionysiac scenes found throughout the area covered by
the Roman Empire, and often these scenes are claimed to have had
a religious significance for the people who commissioned them;
see, for instance, L. Leschi, Mon.Piot. 35 (1935-36) 169;
H.G. Horn, Mysterien symbolik auf dem Köaut.lner
Dionysosmosaik (Beihefte der Bonner Jahrbüaut.cher 33,
Bonn 1972) 4.
The meaning of such mosaics is especially difficult to
determine when they occur in private homes. Of the Dionysiac
mosaics in private houses on Delos, P.Bruneau, Recherches sur
les cultes de Dé.los (Paris 1970) 32, says that they
certainly show an interest in Dionysiac subjets on the part of
their owners, but the houses themselves did not serve as meeting
places for Dionysiac associations, and the rooms or courts where
the mosaics are located played no role in cult. See also K.
Dunbabin, The Mosaics of Northern Africa (Oxford 1978)
173-85; Dunbabin would exclude from consideration mosaics with
stock motifs, but considers those with unique subjects to have
had a special religious purpose. She argues, however, that there
is no reason to associate any of these with actual cult
Nevertheless, the mosaic from Smyrna, with its dedicatory
inscription to the Bacchic organization itself, must have been
located in the building where the association held its meetings
and performed its rituals. It is therefore a unique example of a
Bacchic mosaic with a verifiable connection with cult activities.
The decoration itself, however, kantharoi and ivy tendrils, is
fairly trivial and so often associated with Dionysos that any
specific meaning can hardly be attributed to it.
for baxx&-; alternating
with bakx&-; see L. Threatte, Grammar
541-43. The term can refer either to the building used by the
association or to the group of worshippers itself. The issue is
discussed by Poland, Vereinwesens, 67-68, who would
say that the term was first used for the building itself and
later extended in some cases to the group. See also M. Nilsson,
Dionisiac Mysteries, 63 and A. Henrichs, "Changing
Dionysaic Identitities," in Jewish and Christian
Self-Definition III (London 1982) 142 and 217 n.43. For the
term referring to the group, cf. IG VII 107 (Megara);
IGBR III.2 1865 (Molko Tâ.rnovo); N.Vuli&cacute.,
Spomenik 75 (1933) no.55 (cf. L. Robert, REG 47 (1934)
31 n.3, Stobi); IG XII (8) 387 (against Nilsson, who takes
the term to refer to a building) and IG XII Suppl. 447
(Thasos); A. Dumont, Archives des missions scientifiques
Ser.3,3 (1876) 149-50, no.72c (=IGR IV 787 (Perinthos, see
no.dra.). In the inscription of the Iobacchoi in
Athens, LSCG 51, the word refers to the association in
lines 8, 16, 27, 37, 56, and 148, but to the building in line
101. Rohde, Robert, and Petzl take baxxei=on
here as referring to the group, but it is possible, since the
mosaic must have covered the floor of the cult building, that it
refers to the building itself.