.cm checked for ⊃ .cm working file for Greek revisions and corrections 7 Oct. 87


Lenaion as a Month Name at Smyrna

  1. ISmyrna 573.34, 245 B.C.
  2. L. Robert, REA 36 (1936) 22-28 (=Op. Min. II 786-91); Samuel, 175; evidence is Hemerologion Flor., argued by Robert to record the calendar of Smyrna.

Dionysia at Smyrna .sr qqa

  1. Honors for a judge from Knidos; ISmyrna 578.20, 25, late third, early second century B.C.
  2. Honors for a judge from Kaunos; ISmyrna 579.17, 23, 53-54, second century B.C.
  3. Honors for a judge from Astypalaia; ISmyrna 581.25, second century B.C.
  4. Honors for a judge from Thasos; ISmyrna 582.10-11, end of the first, beginning of the second century B.C.
  5. Honors for a judge from Miletos; ISmyrna 583.18, second century B.C.

Funeral Honors for a Neokoros of Dionysos. .sr lea

Stele found on Mt. Pagos; at one time in the Evangelical School, now lost. H: 0.78; W: 0.33-.36; D: 0.1.

A. Fontrier, BCH 7 (1883) 278-79 (Cougny, Anth. Pal. Append. II no.379b) Fontrier, Mouseion 5.1 (1884-85) 59 no.u;me/ (Quandt, De Baccho, 148) Keil, Skizzenbuch Smyrna VII 366; (Peek, GVI I 1000; G. Petzl, ISmyrna I 515, with photo of Keil's facsimile).

Second century B.C. (Peek). :h4.Text: .tp 5 8 &tab;&sub1;&tab; Dionu/sion Poseidwni/ou &tab;&tab; in wreath: &tab;&tab; o( dh=moS1 &tab;&tab;e(pta/ pou e)c e)te/wn deka/daS1 kai\ baio\n e)po/n ti &tab;&sub4;&tab; eu(rh/seiS1 a)riqme/wn mh=koS1 e)mh=S1 bioth=S1: &tab;&tab;Ba/kxou kudi/otoio newko/ron: e)g de\ po/leioS1 &tab;&tab; a)rxa\S1 eu)qu/nhS1 e)kto\S1 e)mh=S1 e)qe/mhn, &tab;&tab;ei)S1 a)reth\n leu/sswn Dionu/sioS1: a)nti\ de\ tw=nde &tab;&sub8;&tab; xru/seoS1 e)k dh/mou kei=t' e)p' e)moi\ ste/fanoS1: &tab;&tab; Poseidw/nion Dionusi/ou tou= &tab;&tab;Poseidwni/ou. &tab;&tab; in wreath: &tab;&sub1;&sub1;&tab; o( dh=moS1

The demos [honors] Dionysios, the son of Poseidonios. When you count, you will find the length of my life to be seven decades, with a few more years added on, me, the temple warder of most honored Dionysos; I, Dionysios, performed without censure the duties [required] from my city, with my eyes fastened on excellence. In gratitude for this a golden wreath from the people lies over me. The demos [honors] Poseidonios, son of Dionysios, grandson of Poseidonios.
5 Ba/kxou kudi/stoio
ku/distoS1 is an epithet typical for Zeus, but used only here of Dionysos. .cm checked TLG.
5-6 e)g de\ po/leioS1
implies that the offices filled by Dionysios were public, but it is not clear that the temple of Dionysos, whose existence is implied from the term newko/ron, was a public temple or one belonging to a private organization. There is no archaeological evidence for a temple of Dionysos at Smyrna (but see Hasluck, BSA 19 [1912-13] 93-94). The sanctuary of Bromios to which the lex sacra of the second century applies (if it was at Smyrna at all) did have buildings (see no.wea, below, line 2), but this sanctuary was probably not a major public sanctuary.
8 xru/seoS1...ste/fanoS1
For the honoring of a dead person with a golden wreath, cf. IKyme 13.11-12; IPriene; 113.110-12; Cicero, Pro Flacco 75.

Two letters from synodos of Dionysos Briseus. .sr mea

Found near the stadium at Smyrna; now lost. Inscribed on the same stone as no.nea., below.

A. Galland's copy: J. Spon, Miscellanea eruditae antiquitatis (Lyon 1685) X 93, 353-54 no.xciii; (CIG 3173; IGR IV 1393 and 1748; G. Petzl, ISmyrna 731, with a copy of G. Cuper).

Poland, Vereinswesen., 300; Quandt, De Baccho, 147; Hasluck, BSA 19 (1912-13) 93; Tod, CR 29 (1915) 1-2; Dittenberger, SIG&S'&sub3;. 1109, on 26; Cadoux, Smyrna 249 n.1; Bruhl, Liber Pater 186.


A .br;Under (the consulate of) the emperor Titus Caesar Augustus, pontifex maximus, with tribunicia potestas for the eighth time, imperator for the fifteenth time, pater patriae and consul for the seventh time, and with &ldbrac;Domitian&rdbrac; Caesar, son of the emperor divine Vespasian, consul for the sixth time; when C. Julius Fabias Mithres, the son of the Demos most loyal to the emperor, was consecrated (as priest) in a hereditary (priesthood). When T. Claudius Nonianus, son of Bion, was stephanephoros, when L. Licinius Proclus was (honorary) president of the games, when [$$$$$$$$] was director of the games, when L. Sulpicius Firmus was the (financial) manager, the following individuals paid their entrance fees: .br;Sulpicius Firmus .br;Artemidoros (son of Artemidoros?) Artemas, patromystes, .br;Apollonios (son of Apollonios?) Eudemos, patromystes, .br;Trophimos, son of Asklepiades, .br;Tyrannos, son of Papias, grandson of Menander. .br;B .br;During the ninth consulship of the emperor Caesar Domotian Augustus, and the second consulship of Quintus Pettilius Rufus: when Koskonias Myrtos was stephanephoros, when Lucius Caecilius Fronto the younger was agonothete, and when Dionysios Kikinos the younger was xystarch (president of the games):
1 Ti/tw, etc.
Greek translation of the Latin ablative of time, without iota adscript.
A.D. 80, the ninth year of Titus' tribunica potestas.
8-9 G. 'Iouli/ou Fabi/a MiqrewS1
priest of the Dionysiac organization (Petzl), not the eponymous priest of the city (Cadoux). MiqrewS1 is the genitive of the name Miqra (Petzl); cf. Diog. Laert. 2.102.
13-14 a)gwnoqetou=ntoS1, custarxou=ntoS1
The agonothete and the xystarch are named here because of the association of the organization of Technitai and mystai dramatic contests. For the Technitai as mystai, see no.tea., below.
14 dioikou=ntoS1
L. Sulpicius Firmus, also mentioned in line 16 as one of the newly inducted patromystai, paid for the erection of the inscription.
15 ta\ [1e]1i)shlu/sia
for the induction fee charged by a society or a guild, see Tod, 2. Cf. IPergamon 374d.13 and MDAI (A) 32 (1907) 294 no.18.8-9, 13. For a similar requirement for the Iobacchoi in Athens, cf. SIG&S'&sub3;. 1109.37-41 (Athens), where a new member, whose father did not belong to the association, had to pay an entrance fee of fifty drachmas, while a new member whose father did belong, paid only twenty-five. For payment of an induction fee at the time of assuming office in a Dionysiac synod, where the ceremony was accompanied by contests, cf. P. Frisch, Zehn agonistische Papyri (Opladen 1986) 1.15. Merkelbach, Die Hirten, 25, suggests that because the mystai of Dionysos Briseus had initiation rites, the term for entrance fee in this case could mean "initiation fee"; cf. ISmyrna 706.
18-19 patromu/sthS1
a mystes whose father belonged or had belonged to the organization. See Poland, Vereinswesen 298-300; Quandt, De Baccho, 247-48; Tod, 2; Dittenberger ad SIG&S'&sub3;. 1109.26 (Athens); L. Robert, Documents, 87-89. .cm CHECK THIS For other patromystai at Smyrna, see &rea., below.

For hereditary status in other mystery organizations, cf. Plut. de Is. et Os. 364e, where Clea is said to have been consecrated in the rites of Osiris by her father and mother; J. Gwyn Griffiths, Plutarch's De Iside et Osiride (University of Wales Press 1970) 431, argues that Clea was consecrated as priestess, not as initiate, which would imply an even higher degree of hereditary status. For the tradition, especially in Hermetic literature, that secret knowledge and wisdom was passed from teacher to pupil as from father to son, see R.P. Festugiè.re, La ré.vé.lation d' Hermè.s Trimé.giste I (Paris 1950) 332-54. For the tradition of the priest in mystery cults as father, see R. Reitzenstein, Die Hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen (1927&S'&sub3;., reprint 1956) 40-41.

Inscribed statue base honoring Hadrian .sr nea

Statue base; H: 1.35; W: 0.71; D: 0.71. Found in the agora at Smyrna, where it remains today.

Y. Bé.quignon, BCH 57 (1933) 308, with photo; 307 fig. 50; .cm check the bch date (AE 1934.47); F. Miltner and Selâ.hattin, Tüaut.rk Tarih 2 (1934) 236-37 and fig. 19; (P. Wuilleumier, RA 6 (1935) 99, 256) Keil, Istanbuler Forschungen 17 (1950) 57 no.9, with photo, pl. 14; G. Petzl, ISmyrna 622.

Cadoux, Smyrna 198 n.2.

A.D. 129 or 131/32. :h4.Text: .tp 10 13 &tab;&sub1;&tab;Au)tokra/tora &tab;&tab;Traiano\n *(Adria- &tab;&tab;no\n Kai/sara Se- &tab;&sub4;&tab;basto\n *)Olu/mpion, &tab;&tab;swth=ra kai\ kti/sthn, &tab;&tab;oi( tou= mega/lou pro\ po/- &tab;&tab;lewS1 Breise/wS1 Dionu/- &tab;&sub8;&tab;sou mu/stai: e)pimelh- &tab;&tab;qe/ntoS1 Dikai/ou *(Hlio- &tab;&tab;dw/rou tou= *)Aleca/ndrou &tab;&sub1;&sub1;&tab; tou= tami/ou au)tw=n.

The mystai of the great Dionysos Briseus before the city (honor) the emperor, Trajan Hadrian, Caesar, Augustus, Olympian, Savior, and Founder. Dikaios Heliodoros, son of Alexandros, the treasurer, took care (of the erection of the statue).
For the founding of the cult of Hadrian as Olympios, see Keil; the earliest recorded instance of the epithet "Olympios" used of Hadrian is IEphesos 274, dated before 9 December 129 (Petzl).
6 mega/lou
For Bakchos Megas in Bithynia, see no.haa., above.
6-7 pro\ po/lewS1
an expresion used at Smyrna for both Dionysos (see nos. &xea. and &bfa., below) and Demeter (ISmyrna 655). Descriptive of a god, the expression refers to the fact that the god's sanctuary stood outside the city wall and that the festival of the god was celebrated outside the city. For the expression used of a Bacchic sanctuary (or group) at Thasos, see IG XII Suppl. 447.8-9 (=no. ota.). The sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Thasos did stand outside the city wall; see Pouilloux, BCH 75 (1951) 90-95. From Herodotus' description of the capture of Smyrna by the Ionians, it appears that there was at Smyrna, at an early date at least, a festival of Dionysos outside the city walls [1o(rth\n e)/cw tei/xeoS1 poieume/nouS1 Dionu/sw|, Hdt. 1.50).

The expression pro\ po/lewS1, when applied to gods, can have the meaning of "protector". See L. Robert, EBACKSPACE´.t.anat. 35 n.2; BE 1969.495, 1978.462; Fouilles d'Amyzon en Carie I (1983) 171-76; cf. P. Hermann, Anadolu 9 (1965) 76-77. See also G. Petzl, on ISmyrna 655.1-2. At Smyrna the expression was applied to both the god and his worshippers and therefore must refer to the location of the sanctuary and the location of the rites. For Ephesos, see R. Merkelbach, ZPE 36 (1979) 151-56, and no.rga., below. See also no.xea. (Smyrna), below, where the expression refers to the worshippers.

7 Brei/sewS1
The epithet Briseu/S1, "he who makes the fruit swell" (Merkelbach, Die Hirten 25 n.36), is common for Dionysos at Smyrna (see nos. &tea., &xea.-&zea., below) and is related to the epithet Brisai=oS1, by which Dionysos was called at Lesbos: cf. Il. 1.184, 323, etc., IG XII (2) 478.2=no.kda., above (Brhsagenh/S1]1; EM s.v. Brisai=oS1&; Steph. Byz. s.v. Bri/sa. Briseu/S1 is used of Dionysos by Aristides (41.5, p. 331 Keil) and Macrobius (Sat. 1.18.9). At Smyrna the epithet indicates the agricultural origin of the local Dionysiac cult.
8 mu/stai
for mystai of Dionysos at Smyrna, cf. nos. &oea., &tea., &wea., &xea., below. The Technitai of Dionysos Briseus at Smyrna were also mystai; see no.tea.. The association of Dionysiac actors had an official character. The term mystai implies participation in an official local group of Dionysiac worshippers whose activities were associated with the theater and with mysteries. For another list perhaps of such mystai, see ISmyrna 705-706, where the initiates are called te/leioi.

Letters to the synodos of Dionysos Briseus .sr oea

Fragment of a marble stele, found on the acropolis, below the stadium at Smyrna (on same stone as no.mea., above); now lost.

From a copy of A. Galland: J. Spon, Miscellanea eruditae antiquitatis (Lyon 1685) X.93, 353-54, no.xciii; (CIG 3176; W. H. Waddington, Fastes des provinces asiatiques de l'empire Romain (Paris 1872) no.139; SIG&S'&sub1;. 289; SIG&S'&sub2;. 406; Lafoscade, De epistulis imperatorum magistratuumque Romanorum (Lille 1902) 29 no.62; Quandt, De Baccho, 147; SIG&S'&sub3;. 851; IGR IV 1399; W. Hüaut.ttl, Antoninus Pius II (Prague 1933) 349; J. Krier, Chiron 10 (1980) 449-56; G. Petzl, ISmyrna 600, with a photo of Cosson's copy).

Cadoux, Smyrna, 266; M. Hasluck, BSA 19 (1912-13) 93 n.4; L. Robert, Op.Min. II 1349; Nilsson, Mysteries, 48; Petzl, Chiron 13 (1983) 33-36. :h5.Date: :sl

A) Marcus Aurlelius Caesar, son of the emperor Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus, pater patriae, with tribunicia potestas, consul for the second time, greetings to the synodos of those associated with Dionysos Briseus. .sk Your favor, which you demonstrated by your feelings for me at the birth of my son (even though this has turned out otherwise) was no less clear. Our friend, the excellent proconsul, Statilius Maximus sent your decree. .sk I hope that you are in good health. From Lorium, 28 March (158). .sk Marcus Antonius Artemas had the inscription set up as a gift. .sk B) Imperator Caesar, son of divine Hadrian, grandson of divine Parthic Trajan, descendant of divine Nerva, Titus Aelius Hadrian Antoninus Augustus, pontifex maximus, with tribunicia potestas for the eleventh time, imperator for the second time, consul for the fourth time, pater patriae, greetings to the synodos of the mystai in Smyrna. .sk (The text of the letter is missing.)
6 suno/dw| tw=n peri\ to\n Breise/a Dio/nuson
The same group is addressed as suno/dw| tw=n e)n Smu/rnh| mustw=n in line 26, below. For Dionysos Briseus, see &nea., above.
9 ui(ou=
Son of Marcus Aurelius, who died shortly after birth.
12 Statei/lioS1 Ma/cimoS1
Petzl, after Cosson's unpublished copy; T. *)Atei/lioS1 Ma/cimoS1 (Boeckh). Statilius Maximus was proconsul in Asia in 157/158; H. Dessau, PIR III S 602; M. FLuss, RE III A.2 (1929) 2193-94 no.24. .cm check RE already checked dessau
17 dwrea=S1
The reading is confirmed by Cosson's copy (Petzl). For this use of the genitive, see J. and L. Robert, BE 1982.352; 1984.358.
26 mu/stai
for mystai of Dionysos Briseus, cf. nos. &nea., &tea., &wea., &xea..

Petition of the Dionysiac Technitai to Antonius Pius .sr pea

Thirteen pieces of a larger marble fragment (of a stele?); twelve in Leiden, Reichsmuseum (inv. no.I. 1900/1.30-1901/11.12), one in Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum (inv. no.III 781).


A) One fragment in Vienna
E. Szanto, AEMöautuc. 9 (1885) 132-34; (cit.IGR IV II 1430; Quandt, De Baccho, 148) R. Noll, Gr. u. Lat. Inschr. d. Wiener Antikensammlung (1962) 31, no.39.
B) Twelve fragments in Leiden, Rijksmuseum (A-M)
H. Pleket, Leyden (1958) 66-73, no.58, with photo, pl. XI; (A. M. Woodward, JHS 79 (1959) 194-96; CR (1959)280-81). A) and B) G. Petzl, ZPE 14 (1974) 77-87 and pl. IV (photo); G. Petzl, ISmyrna 598.

W. Williams, ZPE 22 (1976) 235-40.

Hasluck, BSA 19 (1912-13) 91 n.6. .cm Hasluck says in Millosicz collection

A.D. 150, consulship of Marcus Gavius Squilla Gallicanuus and Sextus Carminius Vetus. :Text: .tp 2 5 QUOTELANGGREEK &tab;&tab; - - - - - - - - - &-; e)kgeg]ramme/n[on] k?ai\ a)nt44ibeblhm?[e/non] &tab;&tab; - - - - - - - &-; - e)n tw=|] e)?n tw=| Palat?[i/]w| i(erw=| *)Apo/llwn[oS1] &tab;&tab; - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - &-;]gegramme/na. v tw=?[&-;] &tab;&sub4;&tab; - - - &-; Au)tokra/tori Kai/sari Ti/tw| Ai)li/w| *(Adrianw=| *)Antw]n?ei/nw| Sebastw=| Eu)- &tab;&tab;[sebei= &-; - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - p]r? esbeusa/meno[i] &tab;&tab; - - - - - - - - - - - - - &-; - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - u(p]e\?r tw=n e)n &tab;&tab;[Smu/rnh| texneitw=n? - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-;poiwn a)ga?- &tab;&sub8;&tab;q&-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; ]NTANAIIKAERG?[&-; &-; &tab;&tab; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-;&-;]!!! t?e?x? n?e?[i- &-; &tab;&tab;[t &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &tab;&tab; an undetermined number of lines is missing. &tab;&tab;- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-;LES[!!! &-; &tab;&sub1;&sub2;&tab; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-;]DA[!!!!!!]n? pre/pont?[a] &tab;&tab;&-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-;]tikh\n? [!!!!!]s?i/an e)nkexeirisq?[&-; &-; &tab;&tab; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-;] p?eri\ qu[si/a]S1? : vacat &tab;&tab; - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - t]h=| dwd[e]ka/th| qusi/a Breisei= &tab;&sub1;&sub6;&tab;- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ]a? u(pe\r u(gei/aS1 tou= au)tokra/toroS1 &tab;&tab; - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -]m?onhS1 th=S1 po/lewS1 h(mw=n: h(=S1 i(e- &tab;&tab;[r&-; - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -] kai\ e)pi/teuciS1 toi=S1 texnei/taiS1 &tab;&tab;&-; - &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-;] mete/xontaS1? kai\ sunelqo/ntaS1 &tab;&sub2;&sub0;&tab;[metala]mba/nein tw=n t?e[&-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; k?ai\ tou= krath=roS1, pronooume/nou &tab;&tab;[th=S1 eu)k]osmi/aS1 kai\ e)n to[u/tw|? !!!!! !!!!! kata\ t]o\ e)yhf[isme/non Se]roueili/ou. &tab;&tab; &-; &-; ] vacat a)/llo kefa/la[ion e)k tou= no/mou?] dioikhtik[ou=:] vacat &tab;&tab;[stefan]w/seiS1 geine/sqwsa[n !!!!!!! kai\ katak]li/seiS1 &tab;&tab;tai=S1 g[eneqli/o]i?S1 tw=n Sebastw=n e)niausi/- &tab;&sub2;&sub4;&tab;[aiS1] e?/ h(?me/raiS1 e)pa/nanke[S1 !!!!! !!!!! !!! P]anaqhnai/oiS1 kai\ t?a?i=?S1 u(po\ th=S1 po/lewS1 e)yh- &tab;&tab;fisme/naiS1 dhmotele/sin? [e(ortai=S1 kai\ tai=S1] au)=qi/S1 pote yhfisqhsome/naiS1 e)k tw=n dh- &tab;&tab;mosi/w[n kai\] k?o?i?nw=n proso/?[dwn !!!!! !!!!], e)?a\n e)carkw=sin, u(po\ e)pimelei/aS1 tou= tami/ou &tab;&tab;kai\ tw=n [!!!!! !!!!! !!!!! !!!!! pronooum]e/nou kai\ e)n tou/tw| Seroueili/ou tou= lampada/r- &tab;&sub2;&sub8;&tab;xou h)\ o(\n? [a)\n oi( texnei=tai ei)S1 lampadarxei/an?] katasth/swsin metasta/ntoS1 tou= bi/ou. vacat &tab;&tab;kefa/la[ion e)k th=S1 u(po\ tou= kuri/ou Kai/saroS1 *(Adria?]nou= grafei/s[h]S1? e)?[pistolh=S1 th=| i(era=| qume]&-; &tab;&tab;likh=| suno/dw| tw=n texnei[tw=n th=| e)n Smu/rnh|?] a)/l]lo me/roS1: v!!!!! !!!!! o(/stiS1 a)\n ei)/ph| h)\ e)pi?]- &tab;&tab;yhfi/shtai lamba/nein tina/ [!!!!! !!!!! !!!!! !!!!!]ein[&-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; tw=n] &tab;&sub3;&sub2;&tab;[h)/]d?h dedogme/nwn kai\ geg[ramme/nwn !!!!! !!!!!]agei[&-; &-; &-; &tab;&tab;[!!]!AS e)kpe/mpesqai v3 ![!!!!! !!!!! !!!!! !! tw=]n e)pi[stolw=n tw=n pro\S1 &-; &-; &-; &tab;&tab;[!!!!]!HLEIS: v2 e)c w(=n e)p[istolw=n !!!!! !!!!! t]ou= yhf[i/smatoS1 &-; &-; &tab;&tab;[!!!!!] t?a\ pro/teron dedogme/n?[a !!!!!! !!!!! !!!!]N?EST &-; &-; &-; &tab;&sub3;&sub6;&tab;[!!!!! !]!! do/canta sumfe/rein toi=S1 i(?e?[r &-; &-; &tab;&tab;[!!!!!! ! to]u=? a)nqupa/tou e)ntuxo/nto[S1 &-; &-; &-; &tab;&tab;[th=S1 progegr]a?mme/nhS1 suno/dou tw=n [texneitw=n &-; &-; &-; &tab;&tab;[!!!!! !!!!! !!]! e)yhfisme/na ku/ri[a &-; &-; &-; &tab;&sub4;&sub0;&tab;[!!!!! !!!!!! !! qu]is ea temptet, it agit non[&-; &-; &-; &-; &tab;&tab;[!!!!! !!!!! !!! tou= a)]n?qupa/tou pro\S1 th\n au)th\n s?[u/nodon &-; &-; &tab;&tab;[!!!!! !!!!! !!! tou= a)rxi]te/ktonoS1 u(pe\r tou= thre[i=n? &-; - - &tab;&tab;[!!!!! !!!!! !! tw=n progegra]mme/nwn texneitw=n v2 &-; &-; &-; &tab;&sub4;&sub4;&tab;[!!!!! !!!!! !!!!! !!!!! !!!!]!!LOS e&smooth ;piqei\S1 a)top &-; &-; &tab;&tab;[M. Gavio Squilla Gallicano, Sex(to) Car]mino Vetere co](n)ss(ulibus) - - - &tab;&tab;[imp(erator) Caesar T(itus) Aelius Hadrianus An]toninus Aug[ustus Pius &-; - - &tab;&tab;- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - &-;]v?it e decre[to?- - &tab;&sub4;&sub8;&tab; - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ga[&-;] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - QUOTELANGGREEKend

The text records summaries of previous decrees requested from the imperial archives on the Palatine at Rome by an association of Dionysiac Technitai plus a new decree of Antoninus Pius. The association of Dionysiac Technitai is the local synodos of Dionysos Briseus at Smyrna, known from other inscriptions.
5 [pr]e?sbeusa/meno[i]
The Technitai from Smyrna have have sent their own delegation to the emperor at Rome.
15 qusi/a Breisei=
Specifies a sacrifice to Dionysos Briseus on the twelfth of the month. The sacrifice seems to be performed for the sake of the city and for the sake of the health of the emperor in connection with rites for Dionysos; for the same combination of ceremonies, cf. texts from Teos: Anadolu 9 (1965) 35-36, lines 44-47 (no.ofa., below) and LSAM 28.12 (no.aga., below).
20 tou= krath=roS1
indicates that wine drinking played a part in the ceremony at Smyrna.
21 [th=S1 eu)k]osmi/aS1
Servilius (lampadarch in line 27) is in charge of keeping order at the ceremony. For the encouragement of orderly conduct in Bacchic ceremonies, cf. the rules of the Athenian Iobacchoi: SIG&S'&sub3;. 1109.64-65 (meta\ pa/shS1 eu)kosmi/aS1); 73-83; 136-46. L. Robert, Hellenica 5 (1948) 16-28, explains the rules for maintaining order [1eu)kosmi/a]1 at an oracle of Apollo at Korope.
Summary of the rules pertaining to the celebration by the Technitai of the emperor's birthday. There are to be formal wreathing ceremonies and reclining (at banquets) for five days. Other similar events are to take place at the Panathenaia and other public festivals. .cm get birthdy ref book?
23 tai=S1 g[eneqli/o]i?S1 tw=n Sebastw=n e)niausi/[aiS1] e ?BACKSPACE/ h(?me/raiS1
The annual five day celebration for the emperor's birthday. For a similar celebration at Ephesos for Antonius Pius, see IEphesos 21 (OGIS 493.29 and n.9).
27-28 lampada/rxou
The lampadarch is normally the official in charge of the torch race that is part of the Panathenaia. The Panathenaia mentioned above (line 24) must be the Panathenaia at Athens, where ceremonies were also to take place for the emperor. The lampadarch mentioned here may have been an official of the Dionysiac organization. Torch processions are part of nocturnal celebrations elsewhere (cf. Arist. Ran., 340). For lamps as part of the equipment for mystery celebrations in honor of Hadrian's birthday at Pergamon, see IPergamon 374 B.20 (IGR 353). For torch processions in the cult of Dionysos elsewhere, see Nilsson, Opusc. sel. III, 194. The k?o?i?nw=n pro/s?[dwn] in line 26 are probably processions of the association. For koinai\ pro/sodoi of a Dionysiac organization in the Piraeus, see LSCG 49.11-12 (176/75 B.C.). .cm Get some primary source references to torch processions. M. says pannychis .cm possible here .cm 12 Oct started here - change to new GReek
27-28 Seroueili/ou tou= lampada/rxou
List of activities that Servilius the lampadarch supervised.
28 o(\n? [a)\n oi( texnei=tai ei)S1 lampadarxei/an?] katasth/swsin
Petzl. If the supplement is correct, the Technitai control the appointment of the lampadarch. If this is the case, it would have been an office of the Technitai, and not an office associated with a Panathenaic festival elsewhere.
42 [tou= a)rxi]te/ktonoS1
Petzl. At the theater of Dionysos in Athens an official in charge of supervising the theater; IG II&S'&sub2;. 466, 500, 512, etc., see A. Pickard-Cambridge, Festivals 266 n.3 (fourth and third centuries B.C.). Petzl suggests that the line refers to a summary of an Athenian document, but it is possible that there was a similar official connected with the theater at Teos itself.

Letter to the synodos of Dionysos Briseus .sr qea

Once in Smyrna, now lost.

Pococke, Inscr. ant. liber 25 no.34; (cit.CIG 3177; IGR IV 1400; Quandt, De Baccho, 147-48; G. Petzl, ISmyrna 601).

Cadoux, Smyrna 273.

between 161 and 166. .cm get from Petzl comments on line 9. why asterix :h4.Text: .tp 5 8 &tab;&sub0;&tab;[Au)tokra/twr Kai=sar M(a=rkoS1]1 Au)r[1h/lioS1]1 *)Antwnei=noS1] &tab;&sub0;&tab; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; kai\ Au)tokra/twr] &tab;&sub1;&tab;[Kai=s]ar Lou/k[ioS1 Au)rh/lioS1 Ou)h=roS1] &tab;&tab;[Seb]ast[o/]S1, dhmar[xikh=S1 e)cousi/aS1 to\ (number)] &tab;&tab;[u(/pa]toS1 to\ b/, qeou= [*)Antwnei/nou ui(oi/], &tab;&sub4;&tab;[qe]ou= *(Adrianou= [ui(wnoi/, qeou= Traia]- &tab;&tab;[no]u= Parqikou= e)/[ggonoi, qeou= Ne/roua] &tab;&tab;[a)]po/gonoi, su[no/dw| tw=n peri\ to\n Breise/a] &tab;&sub7;&tab;Dio/nuson* [teixneitw=n kai\ mustw=n xai/rein].

Imperator Caesar, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, etc., and Imperator Caesar Lucius Aurelius Verus Augustus, with tribunicia potetas for the...time, consul for the second time, sons of divine Antoninus, grandsons of divine Hadrian, descendants of divine Parthic Trajan, descendants of divine Nerva, greetings to to the sy[nodos of technital and mystai associated with] Dionysos [Briseus].
Opening salutations of a letter from Marcus Aurelius and L. Aurelius Verus in reply to a letter of congratulations from the Dionysiac synodos at Smyrna.
9 Dio/nuson* (Petzl)
DIONYSOU (Pococke).

List of patromystai .sr rea

Once in Smyrna; now lost.

Gronov, Memoria Cossoniana 145 no.xxi, from a copy by D. Cosson (CIG 3195; IGR IV 1434; G. Petzl, ISmyrna 732, from Cosson's copy, in G. Cupers' papers, in the Hague).

Poland, Vereinswesen. D 43 D; Quandt, De Baccho, 148; Nilsson, Mysteries 48.

Probably second half of the second century. :h4.Text: .tp 10 13 &tab;&sub1;&tab; patromu/stai &tab;&tab;YH : M[1a/rkoS1]1 : Au)rh/lioS1 Perpe/rhS1 &tab;&tab;Xaridhmiano/S1 &tab;&sub4;&tab;Qemistoklh=S1 &tab;&tab; &-; ]lou Lou/[1kioS1]1 Soulp[i/kioS1 &-; &-; &tab;&tab; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; ]u/llioS1 KAPIU[&-; &-; &tab;&sub7;&tab;&-; &-; &-; &-; &-;]Strato/neikoS1 TAUKE?[&-; &-;

1 patromu/stai
See no.mea., above, on lines 18-19.
2 YH
Yh[1fi/smati]1 Merkelbach; (kata\ to\]1 yh/[1fisma]1 Cole; cf. ISmyrna 682.2.
2 M. Au)rh/lioS1 Perpe/rhS1
The same man appears in ISmyrna 634.
3 Xaridhmiano/S1
For the same name, possibly the same man, see no.tea..4, below.
5 Lou/. Soulp[i/kioS1 &-; &-; &-; ]
Identification uncertain.For an L. Sulpicius Firmus active in the same Dionysiac organization, see no.rea..14, 16, above A.D. 80). For a Sulpicius Rufinus, also active in the organization, see no. oea..18, above (A.D. 158).

Honorary decree of the Technitai (?) and Mystai .sr sea

Once in the Hochepied Collection in Smyrna; now lost.

R. Pococke, Inscr. ant. liber 25 no.33 (CIG 3210; L. Robert, RPh. [1974] 202; G. Petzl, Talanta 8-9 [1977] 88 no.22; G. Petzl, ISmyrna 734).

E. Ziebarth, Griech.Verein 51 no.3b; Poland, Vereinswesen, 396; Quandt, De Baccho, 148; Cadoux, Smyrna 247; Nilsson, Mysteries 56; Keil, Akad. Wiss. Wien. 90 (1953) 18 n.3. :h4.Text: .tp 10 13 &tab;&sub1;&tab;&-; &-;]RAITAI mu/stai &tab;&tab; &-; &-;]ATIKLADWRON &tab;&tab; &-; &-;]R to\ ma/garon &tab;&sub4;&tab; &-; &-;]!TOUNTOS dia\ bi/ou &tab;&sub5;&tab; &-; &-;] Satourni/nou.

1 [oi( peri\ to\n Breise/a Dio/nuson texnei=t]ai [k]ai\ mu/stai (Boeckh).
Perhaps the name *)As[3s]3kla&<;pio/&>;dwron. Pococke may have seen two square sigmas.
3 to\ ma/garon
For the reading, see L. Robert, 201-202, with parallels from other cults. A megaron/magaron was either a cave-like structure, grotto or crypt, or an underground chamber, often for animal sacrifice. Often associated with mysteries or oracles, entrance or use was restricted to ritual specialits; Suda, s.v. me/garon: w)/qei e(auto\n ei)S1 to\ me/garon e)/nqa dh/pou tw=| me\n i(erofa/nth| mo/nw| parelqei=n qemito\n h)=n (Aelian fr.10 Hercher). A. Henrichs has shown, ZPE 4 (1969) 33-37, that the term megaron can refer to a special kind of underground sacrificial pit (with a built stone perimeter), used for animal sacrifice and distinct from a bothros (a pit of freshly dug earth).

For the megaron as a place for sacrifice, Ammonios of Lamptrai: bwmo/S1, e(sti/a, e)sxa/ra kai\ me/garon diafe/rousi, kaqa\ kai\ *)Ammw/nioS1 o( Lamptreu\S1 e)n prw/tw| Peri\ qusiw=n: fhsi\ ga\r, bwmoi\ me\n ga/r, oi( ta\S1 prosba/seiS1 e)/xonteS1, e)sxa/ra de\..., to\ de\ me/garon, h( periw|kodomhme/nh e(sti/a, e)/nqa ta\ mustika\ th=S1 Dh/mhtroS1; A. Tresp, Die Fragmente der griech. Kultschriftsteller (1914) 91. Examples have been excavated at Priene, Agrigento, Knidos, and elsewhere.

Although usually associated with cults of Demeter, megara are also associated elsewhere with Dionysos. At Melangeia in Arcadia the o)rgi/a of Dionysos were performed at a me/garon near a spring; Paus. 8.6.5. For the dedication of a me/garon to Dionysos at Abdera, see J. Bousquet, BCH 62 (1938) 51-54 (=no.xqa., Abdera). Nilsson, Mysteries 53, followed by P. Boyancé., RPAA 33 (1960-61) 18, understands me/garon as a specifically Dionysiac grotto. See also L. Robert, Mé.langes Bidez (1934) 810-11=Op. min. II 1005-7.

4 [a)gwnoq]e?tou=ntoS1
Boeckh. Cf. no.mea..13, 26, above. Given the trace of a lower horizontal hasta in line 4 (see Boeckh), this supplement is more likely than Ziebarth's [i(erofan]t*ou=ntoS1 or Keil's [qeofan]t*ou=ntoS1, but with the context of mystery celebrations impled by the term me/garon, above, it is tempting to restore either Ziebarth's or Keil's reading; cf. Photius, fr.870 Köaut.rte: ma/garon, ou) me/garon, ei)S1 o(\ ta\ mustika\ i(era\ katati/qentai: ou(/twS1 Me/nandroS1.

Honorary decree of the synodos of Dionysos Briseus. .sr tea

Once in Smyrna; now lost.

(CIG 3190, from copies of Cuper and Muratori; IGR IV 1433; Quandt, De Baccho, 148) G. Petzl, ISmyrna 639, from a copy of Cuper in The Hague.

M. Tod, CR 29 (1951) 1; Cadoux, Smyrna 209 n.1; Nilsson, Mysteries 47-48.

Second century (Quandt). :h4.Text: &tab;&sub1;&tab;h( i(era\ su/nodoS1 tw=n pe- &tab;&tab;ri\ to\n Breise/a Dio/nuson &tab;&tab;texneitw=n kai\ mustw=n &tab;&sub4;&tab;Ma=rkon Au)rh/lion Xaridh/mou &tab;&tab;*)Iouliano/n, to\n di\S1 a)sia/rxhn &tab;&tab;kai\ stefanhfo/ron kai\ newko/- &tab;&tab;ron tw=n Sebastw=n kai\ ba/kxon &tab;&sub8;&tab;tou= qeou=, dia/ te th\n pro\S1 to\n qe- &tab;&tab;o\n eu)se/beian kai\ th\n pro\S1 th\n &tab;&tab;patri/da e)n pa=sin eu)/noian kai\ dia\ &tab;&tab;to\ me/geqoS1 w(=n au)th=| kateskeu/a- &tab;&sub1;&sub2;&tab;zen e)/rgwn kai\ dia\ th\n pro\S1 au)tou\S1 &tab;&tab; dia/qesin: &tab;&tab;tamieu/ontoS1 Mhnofi/lou Mhtro- &tab;&tab;fa/nouS1 *)Ameri/mnou, e)rgepistath/- &tab;&sub1;&sub6;&tab;santoS1 *)Afrodeisi/ou Foibi/wnoS1 &tab;&sub1;&sub7;&tab; Pau/lou.

The imperial synodos of the Technitai and mystai associated with Dionysos Briseus (honor) Marcus Aurelius Iulianus, son of Charidemos, Asiarch for the second time, stephanephoros (wearer of the crown), neokoros (temple warden) of the emperors, and bakchos of the god, because of his piety toward the god and because of his favor towards the city in all things, and because of the greatness of the buildings he erected for the city and because of his disposition toward the people. Menophilos Amerimnos, son of Metrophanes was treasurer; Aphrodesios Paulos, son of Phoebion supervised the execution of the decree.
The full title of the association; see Tod, 1. From this inscription we know that the Technitai were also mystai. It is characteristic of these su/nodoi to be called i(era/, "imperial"; everthing connected with the emperor is called i(ero/n; cf. Poland, RE V A (1934) 2482, with parallels. See also Petzl, ZPE 14 (1974) 86 n.2. Mysteries of Dionysos have become assimilated to the mysteries of the emperor cult; see Pleket, HTR 58 (1965) 331-42.
Marcus Aurelius, son of Charidemos, was Asiarch, leader of the festival of the koinon of Asia; as neokoros of Augustus, he had charge of the cult in the temple of the emperor at Smyrna; as stephanephoros he was the highest official of the city. The Technitai associated with Dionysos at Smyrna were engaged in activities associated with the emperor (see no. pea..22-28, above. For Dionysiac Technitai organizing a public festival in connection with the emperor Hadrian, see E. Bosch, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Ankara im Altertum (Ankara 1967), nos. 128 and 130, (nos. &ada. and &bda., Ankyra). For imperial mysteries, see H. Pleket, HTR 58 (1965) 331-47.
7 ba/kxon
A term used of worshippers of Dionysos, probably as early as Archilochos (frag. 322 West) and established in Greek literature by the fifth century B.C.; see S.G. Cole, GRBS 21 (1980) 226-30. Euripides uses ba/kxoS1 of Dionysos himself (Hipp. 560; IT 164; Bacch. 623, 1020; IA 1061). Ba/kxoS1, when used of worshippers indicates an identification of the worshipper with the god. Ba/kxoi are associated with mu/stai for the first time on a gold tablet from Hipponion, dated from the context of the find to about 400 B.C., SEG XXVI.139; XXVII.674; XXVIII.775bis.

Ba/kxoi, Ba/kxai, as worshippers of Dionysos, appear with some frequency on Greek inscriptions: SBBerl (1905) 547 = Peek, GV 1344 (Miletos); MDAI(A) 27 (1902) 94 no.86 (Pergamon); CIG 3679 (Kyzikos); LSAM 55 = no.sja, below (Knidos); AEMöautuc. 9 (1887) 48 no.60 (Tomis); AJA 37 (1933) 215-31 (Torre Nova); SEG II.359 (Gomphi). For the term in compounds on inscriptions, see Cole 231 n.26. The title at Smyrna may refer to a special office in honor of the god. Cf. LSAM 55 (no.sja, below); AJA 77 (1933) 258.

Fragment relating to the synodos of Dionysos .sr uea

A. Fontrier, Mouseion 1 (1873-75) no.21; H. Pleket, Leyden, 69. :h4.Comment: Petzl, ZPE 14 (1974) 79 (for doubts about provenience). :h4.Text: .tp 10 13 &tab;&tab; &-; &-; ]rwon th=| e(bdo/mh| e)s[ &-; &-; &tab;&tab; &-; &-; ]a th=S1 suno/dou a)s[ &-; &-; &tab;&tab; &-; &-; ] a)ssa/ria de/ka k[ &-; &-; &tab;&tab; &-; &-; ]u Kosmikw=| tw=| t[ &-; &-; &tab;&sub5;&tab; &-; &-;]u neik [ &-; &-; &tab;&tab; &-; &-; ] dia/d[oma &-; &-;

1 [h)]rw=on
"tomb"; see IG XII (7) 478 (Amorgos); IGR IV 799 (Apameia).
6 dia/d[oma]
Usually a distribution of money; here probably a collection.The text probably records the record of a memorial fund for Kosmikos. His associates, participants in the synodos, are to meet on the seventh day of a certain month at his grave, spending ten assaria each for wine drinking (?) in his honor.

A letter from an Emperor to the Dionysiac Technitai at Smyrna .sr vea

Found in Smyrna; now in Izmir, Basmane Depot, inv. no.2806.

A. Frontrier, Mouseion 1 (1873-75) 71, no.22; H. Pleket, Leyden 69; G. Petzl, ISmyrna 599, with photo of Keil's facsimile. :h4.Text: .tp 10 13 &tab;&sub1;&tab;&-; &-; &-; &-; &-; &-; ]EINAPAN- &tab;&tab;&-; &-; &-; &-; &-; ]ai ta)gaqa\ &tab;&tab;&-; &-; &-; e)]pre/sbeuen &tab;&sub4;&tab;&-; eu)tu]xei=te. vacat &tab;&tab; &-; &-; a)]po\ (Rw/mhS1 &tab;&tab; - - &-;] toi=S1 texnei/taiS1 &tab;&tab;&-; -] e)k tw=n i)di/wn &tab;&sub8;&tab;- &-;] Ti(beri/ou) Kl(audi/ou) Eu)tu/xou.

6 texnei/taiS1
The Technitai of Dionysos, as Petzl points out, ZPE 14 (1974) 86 n.2. For the relationship between the Technitai at Smyrna and the emperor, cf. nos. &oea., &qea., and &tea., above. Poland, RE V A.2, 2521, suggested that this text indicates a second distinct group of Dionysiac Technitai at Smyrna, but this is unlikely.

Lex sacra of a cult of (Dionysos) Bromios .sr wea

Marble slab, broken below and on right side; whole when found, now broken into two pieces and mended. H: 0.375; W: 0.48; D: 0.04. Proveniance not certain; museum catalogue says Smyrna. Now in Leiden, Rijksmuseum, inv. no.I. 1900-1.26.

J. Keil, Anz.Ak.Wien 90 (1953) 16-20 and pl. II.1, photo of squeeze, from a copy of R. Heberdays (M. Nilsson, Eranos 53 [1955] 28-33 [=Mysteries, 133-43]; Sokolowski, LSAM 84; SEG XIV.752; A.D. Nock, HSCP 63 [1958] 415-21 [=Essays II 846-52]); Pleket, Leyden (1958) 90-93, no.70; G. Petzl,ISmyrna 728, with photo of the Vienna squeeze.

J. and L. Robert, BE 1955.189, 1956.249; G. Daux, BCH 81 (1957) 1-5.

Second century, according to Keil's evaluation of the letter forms. Daux does not rule out a third century date. :h4.Text: .tp 5 8 &tab;&sub1;&tab;[!!!!!]!thS1 Mena/ndrou o( qeofa/nthS1 a)ne/qhken. &tab;&tab;[pa/n]t?eS1 o(/soi te/menoS1 Bromi/ou naou/S1 te pera=te, &tab;&tab;t?essara/konta me\n h)/mata a)p' e)xqe/sewS1 pefu/laxqe &tab;&sub4;&tab;nhpia/xoio bre/fouS1, mh\ dh\ mh/neima ge/nhtai, &tab;&tab;e)/ktrwsi/n te gunaiko\S1 o(moi/wS1 h)/mata to/ssa: &tab;&tab;h)\n de/ tin' oi)kei/wn qa/natoS1 kai\ moi=ra kalu/yh|, &tab;&tab;ei)/rgesqai mhno\S1 tri/taton me/roS1 e)k propu/loio: &tab;&sub8;&tab;h)\n d' a)\r' a)p' a)llotri/wn oi)/kwn ti mi/asma ge/nhtai, &tab;&tab;h)eli/ouS1 trissou\S1 mei=nai ne/kuoS1 fqime/noio, &tab;&tab;mhde\ melanfa/rouS1 prosi/nai bwmoi=si a)/nak?t?[oS1,] &tab;&tab;mhd' a)qu/toiS1 qusi/aiS1 i(erw=n e)pi\ xi=raS1 i)a/l[lein], &tab;&sub1;&sub2;&tab;mhd' e)n Bakxei/oiS1 w)|o\n poti\ dai=ta t[i/qesqai?] &tab;&tab;kai\ kradi/hn karpou=n i(eroi=S1 bwmoi=S1? - - &tab;&tab;h(deo/smou t' a)pe/xesqai, o(\n Dh?m?[h/thr a)ma/qunen?]: &tab;&tab;e)xqrota/thn r(i/zan kua/mwn e)k spe/?[rmatoS1 ou)=san?] &tab;&sub1;&sub6;&tab;Teita/nwn prole/gein mu/staiS1? - - - &tab;&tab;kai\ kala/moisi krotei=n ou) qe/s?[mio/n e)stin e)kei/noiS1] &tab;&tab;h)/masin, oi(=S1 mu/stai qusi/?[aS1 &-; - - - &tab;&sub1;&sub9;&tab;[mhd]e\? for? e?i=n S?U?[&-; - - -

_____tes, the son of Menander, the theophant, has dedicated (this): All those who set foot in the temenos and temples of Bromios, be careful to wait 40 days after the exposure of a newborn baby, so that divine wrath may not be aroused; likewise so many days after a woman's abortion (or miscarriage). But if fateful death cover any relative, be excluded from the propylon a third part of a month; but if a pollution comes from other people's families, wait three suns after the corpse perishes. Do not go near the altars of the lord if you are wearing black clothing; nor lay hands on sacrifices of sacrificial victims not to be offered (or: unoffered sacrifices of sacrificial victims), nor even set (?) an egg as a meal in the Bakcheia, and it is not lawful to burn heart on the sacred altars, and stay away from mint, which (?) ............. which is the most hateful root from the seed of beans ........ proclaim to the mystai (about) the Titans ........ and it is not lawful for them to make rattling noises with reeds, on the days, on which the mystai ....... sacrifices ........ and do not wear (?) ..........
The lex sacra limits entry to temples and temenos of Bromios. Compared with other leges sacrae it is unusual in two respects. First, it is the only known lex sacra in verse, and second, the priest who set it up gives his name (otherwise done only at Philadelphia, in an unusual cult; see LSAM 20.4). The cult of Bromios was a mystery cult with specific regulations about pollutions resulting from certain activities, certain foods and clothing, and certain improper sacrificial procedures. The text appears to show Orphic and Pythagorean influence.
Keil suggests [Derke/]thS1 or [Glauke/]thS1, but the possibilities are too numerous to count.
1 qeofa/nthS1
a new formation, but cf. i(erofa/nthS1, o)rgiofa/nthS1, telesifa/nthS1, and Sebastofa/nthS1, all terms associated with mysteries. J. and L. Robert, BE 1958.415, say that the Sebastophantes showed the image of the emperor. See Festugiè.re, REG 64 (1951) 478 n.2; IGR IV 481 (Termessos). For an ei)kw\n i(era\...tou= kuri/ou h(mw=n Ou)alerianou= neou= Sebastou=, see L. Robert, REA 62 (1960) 322-323. Nilsson thinks that the priest revealed the power of the god with words and hymns, but Pleket, HTR 5 (1965) 339-40, by analogy with the Sebastophantes, argues more persuasively that the theophantes here showed the image of the god.
2 te/menoS1
Keil associates this sanctuary with that of Dionysos Briseus at Smyrna. The god is called Bromios in this inscription. The poetic form of the text perhaps allows some licence in the choice of epithet, but the content of the text is very different from the content of the texts associated with Dionysos Briseus. The lex sacra refers to ascetic practices that seem inconsistent with the festivities of the theatrical mystai and Technitai of Dionysos Briseus. Further, the origin of the stone is not recorded. While the inscription was at one time part of a collection of items from Smyrna, its original find spot is not known, and it may not have come from Smyrna.
2 Bromi/ou
Bro/mioS1 is a poetic name for Bakchos/Dionysos; its appearance here in a cultic context is determined by the form of the text. That the name Bromios does not occur elsewhere at Smyrna should not argue against the attribution of this text to Smyrna.
Required waiting periods for activities causing pollution.
For exposure of a child, forty days. A lex sacra from Ptolema&itrema.s requires 14 days in some cases and may have required 40 days in others; LSCG Suppl. 119, first century B.C. (the text is corrupt). Nilsson attributes the requirement at Smyrna to the concern for children in Bacchic cults. Cameron, CR 46 (1932) 109-10, argues that in spite of the widespread practice of exposure of unwanted children in antiquity, a special concern for children who died shortly after birth appears as early as Plato, and suggests that this was an Orphic concern. A child who died too soon [1a)/wroS1]1 was assigned a special place of suffering in the underworld (Verg. Aen. 6.426; Plut. De Gen.Soc. 590f; Luc. Kat. 5; Tert. De Anima 55). Exposure of children was also a concern of one branch of the Stoics (Mus. Ruf. 15). The divinity for whom the text from Ptolema&itrema.s was inscribed is not known, and it is therefore impossible to conclude that a concern for an exposed child was a feature of Bacchic cult. Children seem to have played an important role in Dionysiac cult in the Imperial period. They appear often in representations of Dionysaic cult activity; see F. Matz, DIONUSIAKH TELETH [1Wiesbaden 1963]1 pl. 8.1, the initiation of a young boy. Dionysiac motifs decorate the sarcophagoi of children who died young; see F. Matz, Die dionysischen Sarkophage (Berlin 1968-75) nos. 16, 78, 156, 199-202, 214, 230, 236. Dionysiac themes, howver, appear infrequently in the epitaphs for children who died young; see A-M. Vé.rilhac, PAIDES AWROI (ATHENS 1978) I nos. 47, 79, 80, 190, 196.
For a miscarriage or abortion, 40 days. Greek vocabulary does not distinguish between voluntary and involuntary abortion; see J. and L. Robert, BE 1955.189. A waiting period of forty days after miscarriage or abortion is customary in other cults; see E. Nardi, Eranion in honorem G. S. Maridakis I (Athens 1963) 432-85 and Studi in onore di Edoardo Volterra I (Milan 1971) 141-48; R. Parker, Miasma (Oxford 1983) 354-56. In addition to the inscription from Ptolema&itrema.s (which gives 40 days for miscarrage or abortion), cf. LSCG Suppl. 54 (Delos), 91 (Lindos); LSCG 55 (Laurion), 139 (Lindos). LSCG 171 (Isthmos) gives a ten day waiting period; BCH 102 (1978) 325 (Megalopolis) gives 44 days. LSCG 124 (Eresos) requires a waiting period of 40 days in the case of a stillbirth. Forty days at Smyrna, therefore, is not excessive.
The waiting period for the death of a relative is one third of a month, for the death of someone not related, it is only three days. For death as a source of pollution, see T. Wäaut.chter, Reinheitsvorschriften im griechischen Kult (RGVV 9, Giessen 1910) 43-63; L. Moulinier, Le pur et l'impur dans la pensé.e des Grecs (Paris 1952) 76-81; Nilsson, GGR I&S'&sub3;., 95-98; Parker, Miasma, 32-73. The waiting periods for death vary considerably, from one day for a relative and three for an acquaintance (LSAM 12, Pergamon), 20 days for a relative and 3 for an acquaintance (LSCG 124, Eresos), to 41 days for a relative (LSCG Suppl. 91, Lindos). The waiting periods for the cult in Smyrna, therefore, are not unusual.

For the requirement of purification after contact with a corpse as a concern for one practicing teletai, see D.L. 8.33 (Kern, OF 214). The source may be a Pythagorean writer of the fourth century; I.M. Linforth, The Arts of Orpheus (Berkeley 1941) 152.

10-15 Prohibited objects:
10 melanfa/rouS1
a rare word. Daux, BCH 82 (1958) 358-59, compares IG XII (5) 739.43 and Bacchyl. 3.3. For the prohibition of black clothing from sanctuaries, see LSCG 68 (cult of Demeter at Lykosoura). The wearing of white was a requirement in some Orphic or Phythagorean groups; see Hdt. 2.81; Eur. Cret. 79 (Austin); Diog. Laert. 8.19; Iamb. VP 100, 149, 155.
10 prosi/nai
prosie/nai. See Phrynichos 141 Fischer; Machon 302 Gow; Petzl ad loc. For the same spelling in papyri, see F.T. Gignac, A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods (Milan 1981) II 408d.
11 a)qu/toiS1 qusi/aiS1
An apparent contradiction, but the word a)/qutoS1 has several meanings. As a verbal adjective it can be both active and passive; see Smyth, Greek Grammar 472c. When applied to sacrifice, it can mean: a) sacrifices "which have not been offered" (Eur. Hipp. 145-57; Lys. 26.6) or b) sacrifices whose issue is not favorable (Aeschin.3.131, 152). When applied to the sacrificial victim, it can mean c) "not sacrificed" (Suda s.v. sarkofa/gia where a)/qutoS1 refers to unsacrificiable carcases of animals that had apparently died a natural death), or d) "not yet sacrificed" (Sem. 7.56, where a)/qusta are pieces of sacrificial offerings for holocaust not yet consumed by the fire; see Verdenius, Mnemosyne 21 [1968] 145, followed by Lloyd-Jones, Females of the Species [London 1975] 78 n.56; cf. Zingerle, Jöautuc.AI 24 [1929] Beibl. 114, on Steinleitner, Die Beicht [Munich 1913] 59-60 no.32. See also Herrmann, SBWien [1969] 58-63 no.15, esp. 61, followed by J. and L. Robert, BE 1970.511). Finally, in a classification of sacrificial animals, a)/qutoS1 refers to animals "which should not be sacrificed" or which are "not able to be sacrificed" (Lib. 13.63, where the people of Potideia, beseiged by the Athenians, are described as eating first, all the animals that were qu/sima then those that were a)/qusta before having to resort to eating each other). For the whole subject, see G. Berthiaume, Les rô.les du má.geiros (Leiden 1982) 81-87.

Among certain religious groups some species normally acceptable for sacrifice might be excluded. It is possible that such a case exists here for the particular group who set up this inscription. Plato shows that some groups distinguished what was sacrificiable from what was not on the basis of what was a)/yuxoS1 and what was e)/myuxoS1 (Leg. 6.782c). Euripides, Cret. 79 (Austin), in a list of ritual requirements, includes two, or perhaps three, which correspond to requirements in this inscription: avoidance of black clothing and avoidance of death. A third ritual concern in the fragment is the avoidance of meat of "edible beings possessed of soul", th\n e)myu/xwn brw=sin e)destw=n pefu/lagmai 19-20). For abstinence from those things which are e)/myuxoS1, cf. the bilingual inscription of Asoka, Pouilloux, Choix d'inscriptions grecques (Paris 1960) 16 no.53, with commentary by L. Robert, Journal Asiatique 246 (1958) 14-16, (middle of the third century B.C.); see also Pugliese-Carratelli, ASAA 23-24 (1961-62) 308 no.158.7-8 (Cyrene), for prohibition of sacrifice of anything e)/myuxon to Zeus (Uperforeu/S1. .cm ep prob from u(perfe/rw, excell The concern for eating something possessed of soul is explained by Iamblichus, VP 85 = DK 58 C 4, where he says that animals acceptable for eating correspond to animals fit (qe/miS1) to be sacrificed, and the only animals fit to be sacrificed are those into which the human soul does not enter.

12 ta\ bakxei=a
According to Nilsson, the mysteries themselves, but the term may refer simply to bacchic celebrations at which mysteries were peformed.
12 dai=ta
Nilsson says that this is our only evidence for a sacred meal in Bacchic mysteries, but because the content of the inscription is concerned wih sacrifice, and because the common result of sacrifice was a sacrificial meal, it should be no surprise to find that the initiates referred to in this inscription partook of a sacrificial feast.
12 w)|o/n
The prohibition of eggs is usually considered to be Pythagorean (e.g., Diog. Laert. 8.33), but in this inscription it is not complete prohibition that is required, but only exclusion of eggs from specific feasts. Nilsson sees in this requirement evidence for Orphic influence on Bacchic belief, arguing that Orphic cosmology, where the egg is the ultimate source of life and matter, is the issue here.

For the association of Dionysos with the original egg in Orphic cosmogonies, see G. Wojaczek, Daphnis (Meisenheim am Glan 1969) 74-83, discussing the Dionysiac motifs implicit in the myth of Prokne and Itys, as used by Simias in his technopaignia, The Egg. For a summary of these cosmogonies, see L. Alderink, Creation and Salvation in Ancient Orphism (American Classical Studies 8, 1981) 36-39. The earliest is Ar. Av. 690-702. Eggs, however, do not appear with Dionysos until the fourth century B.C.; for a Tanagran protome of Dionysos holding an egg, see British Museum Cat. 874, illustrated in color by R. A. Higgins, Greek Terracottas (London 1967) 79 pl. C.

The egg seems to have had a special significance for Dionysiac initiates. Plutarch, discussiong an Orphic hieros logos that calls the egg the origin of all things, says o(/qen ou)k a)po\ tro/pou toi=S1 peri\ to\n Dio/nuson o)rgiasmoi=S1 w(S1 mi/mhma tou= ta\ pa/nta gennw=ntoS1 kai\ perie/xontoS1 e)n e(autw=| sugkaqwsi/wtai (Quaes. Conv. 636d&; cf. D.L. 8.33, and Schol. Luc. p.280.3 [Rabe]). Macrobius also associates beliefs about the egg with Dionysiac mysteries: et ne videar plus nimio extulisse ovum elementi vocabulo, consule initiatos sacris Liber patris, in quibus hac veneratione ovum colitur ut ex forma tereti ac paene sphearali atque indique versam clausa et includente intra se vitam, mundi simulacrum vocetur, mundum autem consensu omnium constat universitatis esse principium (Sat. 7.16.8); cf. P. Boyancé., MEFR 52 (1935) 95ff.; for Macrobius' borrowing from Plutarch, see J. Flamant, Macrobe et le né.o-Platonisme latin (Leiden 1977) 180-81. For the significance of the egg to Bacchic worshippers and for the egg as an offering to the dead, see Nilsson, ARW 11 (1908) 539-46 = Opusc. sel. I 3-24, with add. II 1057.

Worshippers are forbidden to burn hearts in sacrificial rites. Karpou=n, whose primary meaning is associated with the offering of fruits of the earth, when used of animal sacrifice, refers to the burning or consumption of the meat by fire (Ziehen, LGS II 321 n.9): Hesych., s.v. karpwqe/nta: ta\ e)pi\ bwmou= kaqagisqe/nta; Suda, s.v. a)gia/sai: karpwto/n, kau=sai a)gi/wS1. Cf. Phot., s.v. kausto/n: karpwto/n, o(\ e)nagi/zetai toi=S1 teteleuthko/sin. Stengel, Opferbräaut.uche der Griechen (1910, reprint 1972) 166-68, says that in this context it means "to burn totally", but see Dittenberger, SIG&S'&sub3;. 584 n.2.

For karpou=n meaning "burn" in leges sacrae, see LSCG 151.A32-33 (Kos, sacrifice to Hestia, fourth century B.C.); LSCG 135.69-83 (Thera, sacrifice to the Muses and the heroes Phoenix and Epiktetes, end of the third or beginning of the second century B.C.); LSAM 17.8-10 (Smyrna, first century B.C. = ISmyrna 735); LSCG 52.4-6 (Athens, sacrifice to Nephthys and Osiris, first century A.D.). Sokolowski, LSCG 256, agreeing with Dittenberger, Ziehen, and Hiller, against Stengel, sees the origin of the meaning of "burn" in the burning of fruits, later extended to the burning of flesh. He compares S. Daniel, Recherches sur le vocabulaire du cult dans la Septante (Diss. Paris 1966) 165-74: "donner le bé.né.fice d'une chose à. une divinité.." K. Meuli, "Griechische Opferbräaut.uche," Gesammelte Schriften II (Stuttgart 1975) 932, says that karpou=n must have originally mant "to cut up in little pieces."

13 kradi/hn
In sacrificial ritual, according to the usual procedure, the heart was included with the spla/gxa, placed on the fire, roasted, and eaten by the worshippers (Scol. Od. 3.470; Stengel, Opferbräaut.uche 75; Burkert, Homo Necans (Berkeley 1983) 6; Religion 56-57.

In some cases the heart seems to have been cut out of the victim separately, placed on the altar, and sprinkled with fat or blood (Lucian, De Sacr. 13; Arg. Orph. 315-16 Dottin; Suda, s.v. kardiwsa/menoS1; Hesych., s.v. kardioukli/ai and kardiou=sqai&; Galen, De Plac. Hipp. et Plat. 2.4 p. 243 Küaut.hn; for which see A. Henrichs, Die Phoinikika des Lollianos [Bonn 1972] 71-72). For a parody of the procedure, see Euphron.frag. 1.18-19 (Athen. 379e-380b). Clement of Alexandria associates kardioukli/a with the mysteries of Brimo (Demeter) and also with those of Attis and the Korybantes (Prot. 2.15 Stäaut.hlin). An inscription from Ephesos indicates that hearts were routinely removed from sacrificial victims (LSCG Suppl. 121.7-8=IEphesos 10.7=1201A.7, third century). Whether in this second procedure the heart was actually eaten by the worshippers is nowhere stated. The passage from the Suda suggests that the heart was burned as part of the holocaust.

In the present inscription the restriction against burning the heart of victims on the altar indicates that the sacrificial procedure used here differed from the normal. There are two possible reasons. Either the heart was felt to be a source of pollution, as in a cult of an unknown deity at Rhodes, where heart, beans, and sexual activity are listed as such (LSCG Suppl. 108, first century, perhaps to be associated wih either Asklepios or Sarapis; see S. Accame, Memorie, pubblicate a cura dell' Istituto storico-archeologico F.E.R.T. 3 [1938] 71-84; J. and L. Robert, BE 1946-47.157) or the heart had a special meaning for the group who worshipped here.

Pythagoreans did not eat the heart of any animal. According to Aulus Gellius (4.11), Plutarch (fr. 122 Sandbach) attributed this fact to Aristotle (frag. 194 Rose; see also Plut. Quaes. Conv. 635c; cf. Porph. VP 42 (=DK 58 C 6: mh\ kardi/an e)sqi/ein). The Pythagoreans did not eat heart because they believed that the heart was the source of life and strength (Clem. Al. Str. 2.17.2, 2.22.5; see M. Tierney, Mé.langes E. Boisacq [Brussels 1935] 317-21; W. Burkert, Weisheit und Wissenschaft [Nüaut.rnberg 1962] 166-67=Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism [Cambridge MA 1972] 180-85). Such a restriction could be operative here. It is almost certain that the restriction here is explained by the myth of the dismemberment of Dionysos by the Titans, where Athena preserves the heart of Dionysos (Firm. Mat. De Err. Prof. Relig. 6 p.15,2 Ziegler=Kern, OF 214). The myth, in its essentials, may be as old as the fifth century B.C. (Pind. frag. 133; cf. W. Burkert, Homo Necans, 225 n.43.). The Titans themselves are .cm this is the american ed mentioned in this inscription (see line 16); for reservations about this connection, however, see Henrichs, Lollianos, 70 n.6. M. Tierney, CQ 16 (1922) 77-88, argues that the Gurob papyrus (=Kern, OF 31) describes a sacrifice of a ram and goat to Dionysos Zagreus, where the heart was not eaten, but taken away, reading in line 3 [kar]dioforeiaS1 teleth/n and arguing on the basis of Clem. Al. Protr. 2.22, that kardi/ai were part of the secret objects in the Dionysiac cista mystica.

14 h(deo/smou
The ususal spelling was h(du/osmoS1; cf. Anth. Pal. 11.413 (Ammien, second century). The reading h(deo/smou was originally proposed by P. Maas in M. N. Tod, Gnomon 28 (1956) 460; cf. J. Kallé.ris in G. Daux, BCH 81 (1957) 1-5, with reference to Hipp. Morb. Sacr. 2 p. 589 Küaut.hn (abstinence from mi/nqh and black clothing). For restrictions regarding mint and parsley, cf. Sext. Emp., Pyrr. 3.224.4-6: a)pe/xontai de\ e)n &<;oi(=S1&>; me\n i(eroi=S1 mi/nqhS1, e)n oi(=S1 de\ h(duo/smou, e)n oi(=S1 de\ seli/nou (the context is a cross-cultural comparison of food resrictions). For o( h(du/osmoS1/to\ h(du/osmon, "sweet smelling", as equivalent to o( mi/nqoS1/h( mi/nqh, see Strab. 8.344c, Poll. 6.68, Geopon. 12.24, etc.; Steir, RE 15.2 (1932) 2020. For abstinence from mint in cult, see Wäaut.chter, Reinheitsvorschriften im griechischen Kult (RGVV 9, Giessen 1910) 106.

Mint had many household and medicinal uses in antiquity. It was commonly believed to be an aphrodisiac (pro\S1 a)frodi/sia, Gal. 11 p.882K), but it was also thought to be a local contraceptive for women (Diosc. MM 3.34.2; Plin.HN 20.147) and in large quantities to produce impotence in men ([Hipp.] Reg. 2.54.4).

14 a)ma/quunen?
Cf. OP. Hal. 3.488-97: kli/nato d) ei)S1 eu)nh\n *)Ai+dwne/oS1: a)ll) o(\te kou/rhn &bar; Persefo/nhn h(/rpacen a)p) Ai)tnai/oio pa/goio, &bar; dh\ to/te min kla/zousan u(perfia/loiS1 e)pe/essi,&bar; zh/lw| margai/nousan a)ta/sqala, mhni/sasa &bar; Dhmh/thr a)ma/qunen e)pembai/nousa pedi/loiS1:&bar;...poi/h d) ou)tidanh\ kai) e)pw/numoS1 e)/kqore gai/hS1. Ovid knew the story of Minthe, daughter of Peitho, changed by Persephone into a plant (Met 10.728-30; cf. schol. Nic. Alex. 374; Lobeck, Aglaophamus (1829) II 833-34). .cm this is Nicander, Alexipharmaca- Demeter and Persephone find Minthe an abominable rival, but Demeter herself once accepted a drink made with mint, barley and water. This mint was pennyroyal [1blh/xwn or glh/xwn: glh/xwni terei/nh|, Hymn. Hom. 2.209). For the medicinal uses of blh/xwn/glh/xwn, see A. Delatte, Le cycé.on (Paris 1955) 726 (BAB:Ecit. 40 [1954]).

There were various forms of mint, some beneficial, others harmful. An Orphic poem explains why kala/minqoS1, a wild form of h(du/osmon, once "a great and fruitful (fere/karpon]1 plant upon the earth" became a plant sterile and without fruit (a)/karpon]1: Demeter, in her grief changed its nature (Etym. Gud. s.v. mi/nqh; Kern, OF 44). The mythical character Minthe and the plant she represents seem to be associated with the cult of Demeter. Strabo gives the myth of Persephone and Minthe as aetiology for the mountain named for Minthe, located in the area of Pylos, near a temenos of Hades and a grove of Demeter; Strab. 8.3.14, 344c.

The issue here, however, is why such a plant should have meaning for Dionysiac cult. The Orphic poet, who explains the transformation of wild mint from fruitful to barren is perhaps the clue. Dionysos, like Demeter is a god of plant and human fertility. Like Demeter he is known by the epithet Karpofo/roS1; see SEG 19.481-83, 24.1122, 1124; For Kallika/rpoS1, see below nos. &oma (Mopsuestia), &qma, &rma (Aigeai). For Poluka/rpoS1, see IGBR I&S'&sub2;. 195.1-2, apparatus (Odessos). For Eu)ka/rpoS1, see IGBR:Ecit. I&S'&sub2;. 351 (Messambria). Dionysos is associated with forces that make the earth and humans fruitful. For his epithet Fleu/S1, "one who makes to swell or teem with abundance," see IEphesos 902, 1257, 1270, 1595 (=nos. &nga., &sga., &qga., &rga.); IErythrai 207 (=no. ifa.); IPriene 174 (=no.pha.). For a discussion of the meaning of the epithet, see no. nga. (Ephesos), on lines 6-7. For these characteristics as especially characteristic of Dionysos in Ionia and Ionian colonies on the Black Sea, see N. Ehrhardt, Milet und seine Kolonien (Frankfurt 1983) 169-70. Dionysos himself is described by Fere/karpoS1 (Hymn. Orph. 50.10), the same epithet used by the Orphic poet to describe mint before Demeter's attack made it sterile. It is Dionysos' power as a god of fertility that would be directly threatened by a plant associated with sterility. It is important to note that Dionysos was thought to have influence not only on the fertility of the earth, but on the potency and fertility of humans, males in particular. This aspect of Dionysiac frenzy is best represented in cult by the Phallephoria, the processions at the Dionysia where reprentations of the phallos were carried around the theater. This aspect of Dionysos is not restricted to fertility rituals, but seems to have been part of the worship of Dionysos as god of the theater. For evidence from Delos for the celebration of the phallephoria as part of the Dionysia, see P. Bruneau, Recherches sur les cultes de Dé.los (Paris 1970) 312-321, texts dating from 304 to 169 B.C.; see no.tta, Delos). For Dionysos as the god of the fallhfo/ria, see Herter, RE XXXVIII (1938) 1673-81. When Dioscorides describes the negative effects of a surfeit of mint on the sexual capacity of the male, he describes a reaction that would threaten the role of Dionysos as a god of male potency and sexual activity. It is this aspect of Dionysiac fertility that the prohibition against mint at Smyrna must have been designed to protect.

Apparently a command to avoid beans, "the most hateful root of beans, from the seed of the Titans." As with others of the prohibitions in this inscription, this one can be associated with Pythagorean eating restrictions. Beans were associated with death (Diog. Laert. 8.33) and with generation; see A. Delatte, Serta Leodiensia (Paris 1930) 28-40, 50-53, with reference to Aul. Gell. 11.1-2, 10; Diog. Laert. 8.34 (=DK 58 C 3; Arist. frag. 195 Rose). However, this restriction too seems to have a more specific context, especially because beans are said to be derived from the seeds of the Titans. According to the Orphic myth, the Titans killed the child Dionysos (Diod. Sic. 3.62.2-8; 5.75.4); see A.J. Festugiè.re, RBi 4 (1935) 376-77 [=EBACKSPACE´.tudes de religion grecque et hellé.nistique (Paris 1972) 42-43]; Pleket, 91-92.
16 mu/staiS1
It is this word that indicates that the ceremonies protected by the prohibitions listed here were mystery ceremonies.
17 ka/lamoi
reeds split in such a way as to make a noise when shaken by hand; see schol. Ar. Nub. 260 (I.3.1, p. 64 and 3.2 p. 253 Koster). For kra/tala (rattles) in Dionysiac rites, cf. Nonn. Dion. 16.402; for representations, see the frieze of the temple of Dionysos at Teos, W. Hahland, Jöautuc.AI 38 (1950) 75. Cf. the maenad holding cymbals on a Roman sarcophagus, F. Matz, Sarkophage IV no.258.

Bronze Seal .sr xea

Bronze seal; H: 0.031; W: .023. From left to right: seated Sarapis (or Dionysos Briseus?) wearing kalathos and holding septer, facing right; bearded emperor wearing laruel wreath, facing right; young emperor without beard, wearing laurel wreath, facing left; empress with hair parted in ringlets, facing left. From Smyrna, collection of H.F. Borrell; now in the British Museum. inv. no. GR 1866.8-4.2.

LBW 248; H.B. Walters, Catalogue of Bronzes in the British Museum (1889) 165, no.887; (Quandt, De Baccho, 148); BMI II, p. 4; M. Hasluck, BSA 19 (1912-13) 92-93 and fig. 1, photo; W. Hornbostel, Sarapis (Leiden 1973) 76 and pl. XII.16, photo; D. Klose, Jahrbuch füaut.r Numismatik und Geldgeschichte 33 (1983) 523-24 and pl.12.1, photo (SEG XXXV.1148); Späaut.tantike und früaut.hes Christentum (Ausstellung im Liebieghaus Museum alter Plastik, Frankfurt 1983-84) 523-24 no.131, with photo; Petzl, ISmyrna 729.

W. Drexler, NZ 21 (1899) 112-13; Bernoulli, Röaut.mische Ikonographie II.3 (1894) 141; Cadoux, Smyrna 299, n.2.

244-249 or 259-68. :h4.Text: &tab;&sub1;&tab;mustw=n pro\ &tab;&tab; po/lewS1 &tab;&sub3;&tab; Breise/wn. :h4.Commentary:

Either Philip I, his wife Otacilia, and their son, later Philip II (Walters, Klose) or Gallienus, Salonina, and Salonius (Waddington, Cadoux?) Hasluck associates this seal with the Dionysiac synodos known from other inscriptions at Smyrna, and suggests that it was the official seal of the group. If this is correct, one would expect the divinity to be Dionysos Briseus, but the kalathos suggests Sarapis. Syncretism of the two divinities is not unlikely at this late date. Petzl points out that a bearded Dionysos (Briseus?) appears on coins of Smyrna: BMC Ionia, 287 no.395, Julia Domna.
1 Mustw=n pro\ po/lewS1
It is the epithet pro\ po/lewS1 that identifies this text as Dionysiac; see above, no.nea..6-7, with note. In this inscription it is the mu/stai who are called pro\ po/lewS1 and Breise/wn. The epithets usually associated wih the god have been applied to his worshippers. For Dionsysos pro\ po/lewS1 at Smyrna, see &nea, above, lines 6-7. L. Robert, in his summary of the uses of the expression pro\ po/lewS1 as applied to divinities, sanctuaries, and priests, Amyzon I, 171-76 (see also EBACKSPACE´.tudes anat. 25 n.2; La Carie II 176 n.1; Hellenica 6 [1948] 79; BE 1978.462), does not consider the expression as applied to worshippers. As applied to worshippers, here and at Ephesos (see no. rga., below; R. Merkelbach, ZPE 36 (1979) 151-56). the term is in the attributive position, modifying the worshippers. Because mystery rites are by definition secret and therefore private and personal, the expression as used here can not mean "public" or "official" as it sometimes does elsewhere, but must refer to the fact that the term as applied to Dionysos himself had, at Smyrna, a spacial reference, denoting that his sanctuary stood outside the walls, and that the festival was celebrated in the countryside, in the open air.

Dedication to Dionysos Briseus .sr yea

Found near the stadium, now lost.

J. Spon.Miscellanea eruditae antiquitatis (Lyon 1685) 354 no.XCIV; Gronov, Memoria Cossoniana 149 no.XXXIX, from Cosson's copy (CIG 3160; Quandt, De Baccho, 147; Petzl, ISmyrna 758).

Cadoux, Smyrna, 259.

Probably Imperial. :h4.Text: &tab;&sub1;&tab;Brhsei= Dio- &tab;&tab;nu/sw| Oi)no/maoS1 &tab;&tab;Neike/rwtoS1 &tab;&sub4;&tab;tou= Qeodo/tou &tab;&tab;pru/taniS1 kai\ &tab;&sub6;&tab;u(mnw|do/S1.

7 u(mnw|do/S1
Hymnodoi appear often in emperor cult; see IPergamon 374; L. Robert, REA 62 (1960) 318, 321-22, 341-42 (=Op. min. II 834, etc.); Pleket, HTR:Ecit. 58 (1965) 342-43. For hymnodoi at Smyrna, cf. Petzl, ISmyrna 594-95. For a survey of the cities where hymnodoi sang in honor of the emperor, see J. Keil, JOBACKSPACE¨aut.AI 11 (1908) 101-10. .cm checked/ cities are Hypaipa, Ephesos, Pergamon and Smyrna For supplements to Ziehen, RE Supp. VII (1940) s.v. "Hymnodoi," see BE 1941.9. See also note on no.aga..7 (Teos).

Dedication of Two Nemeseis to Dionysos .sr zea

Stone once in Smyrna, now lost.

Gronov, Memoria Cossoniana 148 no.33 (CIG 3161; Quandt, De Baccho, 147; G. Petzl, ISmyrna 759, with Cosson's facsimile).

Pre-imperial (Cadoux); first century (Quandt); probably Imperial (Petzl). :h4.Text: &tab;&sub1;&tab;a)gaqh=i tu/xhi: &tab;&tab;ta\S1 Neme/- &tab;&tab;seiS1 Meli/- &tab;&sub4;&tab;twn a)ne/- &tab;&tab;qhke qe- &tab;&tab;w=| Brhsei= &tab;&sub7;&tab;Dionu/sw|.

2-3 Neme/seiS1
The two principal divinities of Smyrna; see Petzl, ISmyrna 628, 649, 650, 697, 725, 740-42. The Nemeseion was located in the agora; Martyrium Pionii 6.3, 15.2, 18.13-14 Bastiaensen, etc. (1987) (L. Robert, Op. Min. II 835, IV 187). Pausanias, 7.5.3, says that two Nemeseis, daughters of Night, were worshipped at Smyrna. Petzl, on 741.4-6, compares a dedication from Asturica (Tarraconensis) to the two Smyrnian Nemeseis (SEG 32.1082bis), a grave inscription from Maionia that mentions the two Nemeseis (see C.P. Jones, Phoenix 38 [1984] 285), and an inscribed relief from Tomis that includes a representation of the Smyrnaian Nemeseis, G. Bordenache, Studii Clasice:Ecit. 6 (1964) 163-67 no.II. See also L. Robert, BCH 106 (1982) 376-77 and fig. 29. For the pair on coins of Smyrna, see BMC Ionia nos. 133, 150, 227, 232, 241, 372, 383, 384, 393, 422, 442, 464; SNG von Aulock 2231. For the pair on a relief, see IG XII (2) 520. For an obviously embellished account that associates the founding of their cult with a dream of Alexander the Great, see H.W. Parke, The Oracles of Apollo (London 1985) 126-27. For the doubling of divinities, see L. Robert, Carie 143-44; T. Hadzisteliou-Price, JHS 91 (1971) 48-69; .cm this is checked H.S. Versnell, Faith Hope and Worship (Leiden 1981) 11-12; L. Robert, BCH 107 (1983) 559, 30a.
The text is an irregular dactylic line with seven feet.

Fragment of a decree (?) with eponymous date .sr afa

Fragment of white marble, broken on all sides; from the Millosicz collection from Smyrna. H: 0.26; W: 0.28; D: 0.04. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Inv. no.III 782.

E. Santo, AEMöautuc. 9 (1885) 134; : (cit.IGR IV 1406; Quandt, De Baccho, 148) Petzl, G. Petzl, ISmyrna 730, with photo. :h4.Comments; R. Noll, Griech. und lat. Inschriften der Wiener Antikensammlung (1962) 39 no.76.

According to letter forms, sometime in the second century. :h4.Text: .tp 5 8 &tab;&sub1;&tab; - &-; Se]b?as?[tw=| &-; &-; &tab;&tab; - - &-; m]egi/stw| ![&-; - &tab;&tab; - - ] au)tokra/tor[i to\ &-; &-; &tab;&sub4;&tab; - &-;] patri\ patri/doS1 [&-; - &tab;&tab; - &-;] tou= pro\ po/lewS1 [Dionu/sou? - - &tab;&tab; - &-;] Ti/tou Flaoui/ou? - - &tab;&tab; - st]e?fanhfo/rou to\ [ - - &tab;&sub8;&tab; - - - -&-;]ou to\ b/, gu?[mnasiarx]- &tab;&sub9;&tab; - - - - Po]u?pli/w|? &-; &-;

5 pro\ po/lewS1
usually of Dionysos at Smyrna; see nos. 3 and 13, above. For Demeter pro\ po/lewS1, cf. ISmyrna 655.

Dedication of a stibas for the Ganymeditai .sr bfa

Inscribed stone block, built into a wall south of the train station at Basmane; all editions derive from Ramsay's copy.

W.M. Ramsay, AJA 1 (1885) 138-40 no.1; A. Frontrier, REA 9 (1907) 116 no.15; G. Petzl, ISmyrna 722.

J. Ziehen, MDAI(A) 17 (1892) 190-91; F. Poland, RE III A.2 (1929) Merkelbach, Die Hirten, 63. 2482,

First or second century (?). :h4.Text: .tp 10 13 &tab;&sub1;&tab;Ma=rkoS1 Sertw/rioS1 &tab;&tab;*)Aristo/lukoS1 th\n sti- &tab;&tab;b?a/?dan e)ch/rtisen Ga- &tab;&sub4;&tab;[num?]hdei/taiS1 e)k tw=n &tab;&tab;[i)di/]wn, e)pi\ tami/ou &tab;&sub6;&tab;[M(a/rkou) O]u)lpi/ou *)Ioulianou=.

M. Sertorius Aristolykos erected the stibas for the Ganymeditai at his own expense, when M. Ulpius Juliannus was treasurer.
2-3 stib?a/?dan
the reading, although doubted by Poland, is probably correct. Stiba/S1 is a term used originally to refer to matttresses of straw. For the term used of mats of ivy on which Dionysiac worshippers lay while feasting, see Philostr. Vit. Soph. 2.1.3 (p. 58.2. [549] Kaysor 1871). Later the term is used to refer to the Dionysiac organization (IG II&S'&sub2;. 1368.48=SIG&S'&sub3;. 1109; LSCG 51), the meeting place of the organization (ibid., 63, 70), or the day of the festival (ibid., 112, 114-15, 152; cf. K. Buresch, Aus Lydien [Leipzig 1898] 61 and L. Deubner, Attische Feste [Berlin 1932] 104).

In this inscription from Smyrna stiba/S1 must refer to the meeting place or building. An inscription from Istros offers a parallel: I Stoian, Dacia n.s. 14 (1970) 397.8-9: th\n stiba/da e)poi/hse e)k tw=n i)di/wn; cf. Dessau 3369, 3370 and IG XII (1) 786.21. D.M. Pippidi, Studi Clasice 14 (1972) 201-204, 220, (J. and L.Robert, BE 1971.441, 1973.303) argues that the term at Istros refers to a sacred Dionysiac building. C. Picard, CRAI (1944) 127-57 and BCH 68-69 (1944-45) 24 ff., argues that the related term stiba/deion is equivalent to stiba/S1 and can be applied to a series of niche-shaped buildings associated with Dionysos at Thasos, Delos, Pergamon , and perhaps Tenos and Athens. Pergamon, however, is the only site on his list where the term appears on an inscription, and it is not certain that the building Picard identifies there as the stiba/deion was actually the one named in the text. See IPergamon 220; cf. no.mca., above, for stiba/deion. See also E. Ohlemutz, Die Kulte und Heiligtüaut.mer der Göaut.tter in Pergamon (Wüaut.rzburg 1940) 112.

3-4 Ga[num]hdei=tai
Petzl plausibly associates the group named here with wine drinking and suggests that they may have had a role in Dionysiac cult as cup-bearers. The Ganymeditai would therefore have been young men. For adolescents as cupbearers at symposia, see J. Bremmer, Arethusa 13 (1980) 286. Add to his evidence the adolescent boys as wine-servers in Attic symposium scenes, e.g., London E68 (ARV&S'&sub2;. 371, 24); London E 49 (ARV&S'&sub2;. 432, 52); Compiè.gne 1102 (ARV&S'&sub2;. 341,1).

Picard less plausibly suggests, CRAI (1944) 154 n.1, that the Ganymeditai were associated with Dionysos because Ganymede's elevation to Olympos symbolized a conquest of death. Cf. F. Cumont, Recherches sur le symbolisme funé.raire des Romains 97-98 and pl. VII.2. Theokritos, 15.123-24, describing the return of Adonis from the underworld implies that Ganymede (or a statue of him) presided over the event.

Vase inscription. .sr yma

Private collection, provenience unknown; said to be from Smyrna.

BCH 15 (1891) 455.

An enigmatic address. Polufh/mhtoS1, if correctly read, is not otherwise known. .cm not in TLG

Honors conferred by the Dionysiac synodos .sr cfa

Piece of a column drum; at one time in the Evangelical School at Smyrna; now lost. H: 1.04.

J. Keil, Skizzenbuch Smyrna VI 324. G. Petzl, ISmyrna 652, with Keil's facsimile. :h4.Text: .tp 10 13 &tab;&sub1;&tab;a)gaqh=i tu/xh[i]: &tab;&tab;h( i(era\ su/nodo?[S1] &tab;&tab;tw=n Breise/w?[n] &tab;&sub4;&tab;e)tei/mhsen &tab;&tab;G(a/i+on) *)Iou/l(ion) &tab;&tab;Xeiri/sofo[n] &tab;&tab;G(ai/+ou) *)Ioul(i/ou) Mousw[ni/ou] &tab;&sub8;&tab;grammatik[ou=] &tab;&tab;ui(o/n, &tab;&tab;a)gwnoqeth/[santa] &tab;&sub1;&sub1;&tab;filotei/m[wS1].

3 tw=n Breise/w?[n]
epithets of Dionysos can be used of the worshippers as well as of the god; cf. nos. &tea., &xea., above.
8 grammatik[ou=]
Probably a teacher of language, rhetoric, and literature; see Herzog, SBBerlin 32 (1935) 967-1019; .cm check K. Bringman, EA 2 (1983) 51; .cm check J. and L. Robert, BE 1973.414.

Mosaic with inscription. .sr dfa

Mosaic, 18.50m x 5.93m, with inscription near center, where a piece, 0.65m x 0.59m, without mosaic, was apparently the site of a statue or an altar. The main field of the mosaic depicts kantharoi, from which grow tendrils of ivy. Found in Burnova, near Izmir; today the inscription is preserved at Anadolu Lisesi.

G. Rohde, Tüaut.rk Tarih, Arkeologya ve Etnografya Dergisi 4 (1940) 67-71, with photos, figs. 5-6; (J. and L. Robert,BE 1944.159a; A. Merlin, AE 1951.255; SEG XV.727); G. Petzl, ISmyrna 733.

Beginning of the third century (Rohde). Severan period (Petzl). :h4.Text: .tp 5 8 &tab;&sub1;&tab;Ti(be/rioS1]1 *)Iou[1lioS1]1 Septi/mioS1 *)Iouliano\S1 Smur- &tab;&tab;nai=oS1, e)g progo/nwn bouleuth/S1, per- &tab;&tab;iodonei/khS1, cussta/rxhS1, despo/thS1 &tab;&sub4;&tab;a)po\ progo/nwn tou= kth/matoS1, th\n &tab;&sub5;&tab;yhfoqesi/an tw=| Baxxei/w| e)pohsa/mhn.

I, Titus Julius Septimius Julianus of Smyrna, hereditary councillor, victor in the games, Xystarch (president of the athletic games), hereditary owner of the property from my ancestors, have had this mosaic pavement made for the Bakcheion.
3-4 despo/thS1 a)po\ progo/nwn tou= kth/matoS1
T. Julius Septimius Julianus had a meeting place for the Bacchic organization built on his own property.
4-5 yhfoqesi/an
There are many examples of mosaic floors with Dionysiac scenes found throughout the area covered by the Roman Empire, and often these scenes are claimed to have had a religious significance for the people who commissioned them; see, for instance, L. Leschi, Mon.Piot. 35 (1935-36) 169; H.G. Horn, Mysterien symbolik auf dem Köaut.lner Dionysosmosaik (Beihefte der Bonner Jahrbüaut.cher 33, Bonn 1972) 4.

The meaning of such mosaics is especially difficult to determine when they occur in private homes. Of the Dionysiac mosaics in private houses on Delos, P.Bruneau, Recherches sur les cultes de Dé.los (Paris 1970) 32, says that they certainly show an interest in Dionysiac subjets on the part of their owners, but the houses themselves did not serve as meeting places for Dionysiac associations, and the rooms or courts where the mosaics are located played no role in cult. See also K. Dunbabin, The Mosaics of Northern Africa (Oxford 1978) 173-85; Dunbabin would exclude from consideration mosaics with stock motifs, but considers those with unique subjects to have had a special religious purpose. She argues, however, that there is no reason to associate any of these with actual cult activity.

Nevertheless, the mosaic from Smyrna, with its dedicatory inscription to the Bacchic organization itself, must have been located in the building where the association held its meetings and performed its rituals. It is therefore a unique example of a Bacchic mosaic with a verifiable connection with cult activities. The decoration itself, however, kantharoi and ivy tendrils, is fairly trivial and so often associated with Dionysos that any specific meaning can hardly be attributed to it.

5 tw=| Baxxei/w|
for baxx&-; alternating with bakx&-; see L. Threatte, Grammar 541-43. The term can refer either to the building used by the association or to the group of worshippers itself. The issue is discussed by Poland, Vereinwesens, 67-68, who would say that the term was first used for the building itself and later extended in some cases to the group. See also M. Nilsson, Dionisiac Mysteries, 63 and A. Henrichs, "Changing Dionysaic Identitities," in Jewish and Christian Self-Definition III (London 1982) 142 and 217 n.43. For the term referring to the group, cf. IG VII 107 (Megara); IGBR III.2 1865 (Molko Tâ.rnovo); N.Vuli&cacute., Spomenik 75 (1933) no.55 (cf. L. Robert, REG 47 (1934) 31 n.3, Stobi); IG XII (8) 387 (against Nilsson, who takes the term to refer to a building) and IG XII Suppl. 447 (Thasos); A. Dumont, Archives des missions scientifiques Ser.3,3 (1876) 149-50, no.72c (=IGR IV 787 (Perinthos, see no.dra.). In the inscription of the Iobacchoi in Athens, LSCG 51, the word refers to the association in lines 8, 16, 27, 37, 56, and 148, but to the building in line 101. Rohde, Robert, and Petzl take baxxei=on here as referring to the group, but it is possible, since the mosaic must have covered the floor of the cult building, that it refers to the building itself.