PIRATE ECONOMIES AND THE PRIMITIVE ACCUMULATION OF INFORMATION

 

by Matt Garite

 

The libertarians say “information wants to be free,”1 so I’ll begin by plundering Marx: A specter is haunting capitalism—the specter of piracy. All the powers of intellectual property law have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this specter: Congress and CEO, Microsoft and RIAA, copyright protection agencies and designers of spyware. Weekly dispatches from the technology sector incessantly invoke the presence of a phantom war between multinationals and pirates unfolding in the shadows of the current War on Terror. Trade groups like the International Federation of the Phonographic Industry (IFPI) repeatedly claim that musical piracy costs the recording industry an estimated $4.3 billion in worldwide sales each year.2 But these are not discriminate attacks—Hollywood is also beset with pirates, crying potential worldwide revenue losses in excess of $3 billion annually.3 Together, these industries have forged alliances with government representatives in order to protect copyright and prevent future losses. By strategically financing political campaigns in exchange for the passage of stronger copyright legislation, multinationals have attempted to prosecute pirates to the fullest extent of the law.

But perhaps the most curious feature of this highly publicized legal clampdown has been the concept of “piracy” itself. Commentators and journalists repeatedly accept the entertainment industry’s figurative use of the term to frame popular debates regarding the electronic exchange of images and sounds. Because it remains discursively uncontested, this politically charged appropriation of piracy is often unconsciously merged with and made to seem indistinct from the term’s more literal, historically grounded definition as “robbery and depredation on the sea, or by descent from the sea upon the coast, by persons not holding a commission from an established civilized state” (Oxford English Dictionary). Of course, figurative uses of piracy are nothing new. This most recent deployment of the term draws upon a rich and complicated history of precedents, dating back to the origins of English copyright law in the eighteenth century when piracy was strategically annexed into the judicial vernacular in order to refer to illegally manufactured copies of literary works. But this careful repositioning of the sign is not without consequence: in all such cases, the figure of the pirate is intended to bear within it the analogous trace of an earlier meaning. For instance, when “piracy” is deployed by representatives of the film and music industries in order to refer to “the appropriation or reproduction of another’s work,” the term is simultaneously assumed to conjure up by way of association the romantic but decidedly pejorative figure of the seventeenth century sea pirate, stereotypically portrayed as a bloodthirsty thief and a treacherous rogue in adventure novels like Robert Louis Stevenson’s Treasure Island. According to this logic, college students downloading music in their dorm rooms are suddenly of a pair with swarthy criminals bedecked in eye patches and trademark wooden legs. And this, of course, all plays well to the interests of the multinationals. The negative connotations attached to piracy have the effect of skewing public opinion and limiting opportunities for the radical reappraisal of copyright laws. Indeed, to the extent that the entertainment industry succeeds in ensuring that its framing strategy goes unchallenged, popular discussions of “piracy” cast an implicit shadow of guilt upon their subject.

But to the industry’s dismay, the figure of the pirate is itself unstable. The conglomerates that rule the entertainment industry have not secured a total monopoly on uses of this figure, despite their increasingly monopolistic ownership of the means by which those uses are disseminated. Popular demands for alternative (and sometimes downright enthusiastic) images of piracy repeatedly exceed the confines of the industry’s intent. Dominant mass cultural representations of piracy are therefore always sites of concession and exchange, where the entertainment industry seeks to gratify the potentially transgressive desires of its consumers while maintaining its position of dominance. For example, even as the Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA) was launching its latest campaign against piracy, MPAA member Walt Disney Pictures was raking in profits with its recent summer blockbuster Pirates of the Caribbean (2003), an amusing send-up of “Errol Flynn”-style high-seas adventure films starring former teen heartthrob Johnny Depp as a “good” pirate named Captain Jack Sparrow locked in struggle with an evil crew of undead pirates who become skeletons when struck by moonlight.4 And the success of Pirates of the Caribbean is by no means an isolated phenomenon. Pirates (or their ghosts) continue to haunt the seas of contemporary culture. A random (and by no means comprehensive) survey of popular references to piracy might include Hollywood films like The Goonies (1985), Peter Pan (both the animated Walt Disney version from 1953, as well as the live-action Universal Pictures version from 2003), Walt Disney’s Treasure Planet (2002), Hook (1991), The Princess Bride (1987), Cutthroat Island (1995), and Sinbad: Legend of the Seven Seas (2003), along with the classic “Pirates of the Caribbean” rides at Disneyland and Disneyworld, the tribes named after pirates like Drake and Morgan in the “Pearl Islands” episodes of Survivor, literary works like Empire of the Senseless or Pussy, King of Pirates by Kathy Acker, The Infernal Desire Machines of Doctor Hoffman by Angela Carter, cyberpunk novels like Bruce Sterling’s Islands in the Net, pirate romance novels (a thriving subdivision of the historical romance genre, with titles like Pirates of Desire, Thief of Hearts, A Pirate’s Pleasure, A Pirate’s Love, My Lady Pirate, Pirate Bride, Master of Seduction, Velvet Chains, and Across a Moonlit Sea), pirate Halloween costumes, LEGO-brand pirate ships for children, contemporary translations of Ancient Greek epics like The Iliad and The Odyssey (since Odysseus, after all, was nothing if not a pirate), and advertisements for Captain Morgan Original Spiced Rum. The pirates depicted in these texts range anywhere from bold and romantic swashbucklers to the most unsavory of scurvy wags. Indeed, the bulk of these texts rely upon complicated, ambivalent imagery rather than the absolute, one-dimensional logic of the pejorative model favored by groups like the MPAA. And yet, as we shift to discussions of copyright and intellectual property, this range of meanings is rarely kept in mind. Debates regarding intellectual property are too often foreclosed as a result of the pejorative model’s dominance. The pirate is consistently denounced as criminally other in relation to the law, while the laws themselves are perceived as beyond dispute. In other words, if piracy may be said to constitute an attack on traditional property relations, then popular discussions of piracy are selectively framed so as to ensure that the legitimacy of property is always assumed as given. In response to this careful circumscription of debate, my paper will attempt to resurrect an awareness of the utopian potential of piracy by positioning both its historical and contemporary manifestations in relation to ongoing processes of primitive accumulation.

Robin Blackburn conceives of primitive accumulation as an ongoing process in The Making of New World Slavery. He quotes a passage from the first volume of Capital where Marx writes, “The discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation, enslavement and entombment in mines of the indigenous population of that continent, the beginnings of the conquest and plunder of India, and the conversion of Africa into a preserve for the commercial hunting of blackskins, are all things which characterize the dawn of the era of capitalist production. These idyllic proceedings are the chief moments of primitive accumulation” (Marx 915). Marx describes these events as the various historical preconditions necessary for the transition from feudal to capitalist modes of production. He focuses specifically on the enclosure of the English countryside during the early modern period, when masses of peasants were violently driven from the land and ownership of what had previously been communal property was subsequently privatized and concentrated in the hands of an elite proto-capitalist ruling class. For Marx then, the process of primitive accumulation refers to an isolated series of historical events—mainly European acts of conquest, enslavement, robbery and murder—all of which culminate in the separation of laborers from their primary means of production. Blackburn challenges this notion of primitive accumulation as a series of isolated historical “moments,” describing it “not as an episode but as an on-going aspect of the metropolitan accumulation process—what might be termed ‘extended primitive accumulation’” (Blackburn 515). During the course of this paper, I hope to show that the recent proliferation of debates on piracy in both popular and legal forums signals the emergence of a new stage in the metropolitan accumulation process, or at least an extension of that process to the so-called “immaterial”5 realm of language and the symbolic. Piracy is used to frame current discussions of digital exchange networks and corporate efforts to patent the genetic coding of life itself because information is now the “new frontier” in capital’s ongoing process of primitive accumulation.

But this is not to say that piracy is simply one more way for capitalists to accumulate resources and separate workers from the means of production. Capital undoubtedly depends upon piratical acts of expropriation in order to reproduce itself, but it must also paradoxically renounce or disown such acts. Thus, in order to avoid a reductive one-to-one equation of piracy with primitive accumulation, we must pause to acknowledge the way piracy doubles as both capitalism and its other. In this sense, pirates bear an uncanny resemblance to cannibals. In her essay “Consumerism, or the Cultural Logic of Late Cannibalism,” Crystal Bartolovich argues that there are at least two conflicting fears embodied by contemporary uses of the term “cannibal”: one concerning “a dispersion and attendant excess of consumption,” and another obsessed with “a failure of consumption” (Bartolovich 209). We can apply this claim to contemporary uses of the term “piracy” by replacing “consumption” with “accumulation.” In other words, the figure of the pirate emerges in discourse to signal either an excess or a failure of “legitimate” modes of accumulation. Piracy and cannibalism are sites where capitalism meets “not only its own limit—that which it must renounce—but also the figure of its own desire” (223). It is for this reason that pirates and cannibals “evoke both repulsion and desire, rejection and wonder” (207). Of course, this is not to deny important differences in the historical deployment of these terms.6 I merely wish to note the contradictory range of desires and fears mobilized by capital in its dealings with cannibals and pirates. Indeed, if we acknowledge that piracy is simultaneously complicit with and resistant to traditional definitions of property, then we must move beyond the binary logic of an analysis that either exonerates or condemns its object of study. In other words, it is not enough to simply recount the details of capital’s sordid history of riot and plunder. We must also consider piracy as an act of resistance.

According to Walter Benjamin, the task of the critic is “to brush history against the grain” in order to find those hidden desires and sparks of hope that might provide resources for an assault on the objectives of capital (Benjamin 257). Rather than perceiving history as a fixed reservoir of established facts, the goal is instead to imagine the past as a field of corpses and debris whose meaning is shaped by the present. As Benjamin notes, “To articulate the past historically does not mean to recognize it ‘the way it really was’ (Ranke). It means to seize hold of a memory as it flashes up at a moment of danger” (Benjamin 255). Piracy’s legacy burdens the present with a purgatory of deferred visions of redemption, since all of its utopian efforts to build heaven on earth were brutally repressed. Indeed, if history weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living, it is only because this history is one of defeat. Following Benjamin then, my intent in this paper is not to reconstruct the historical truth of piracy “as it really was” (a doomed project if ever there was one), but rather to single out and seize hold of whatever aspects of piracy can be salvaged for constructive purposes. Efforts to redeem the legacy of piracy must begin by gathering together fragments of the past that converge with the needs of the present.

In recent years, radical historians have attempted to reconstruct histories of piracy “from the bottom up.”7 Most of these works focus on Anglo-American pirates during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries (although Moslem corsairs have also received attention). The latter half of this period is often referred to as the “Golden Age of Piracy,” when plunder at sea reached its greatest levels of intensity. Political and economic circumstances conspired to send thousands of men8 to wreak havoc upon the sea-lanes of the world. As Marcus Rediker notes, “Anglo-American pirates created an imperial crisis with their relentless and successful attacks upon merchants’ property and international commerce between 1716 and 1726. Accordingly, these freebooters occupy a grand position in the long history of robbery at sea” (Rediker 254). Rediker’s groundbreaking study Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea provides an historical account of early eighteenth century maritime radicalism. He argues that the success of piracy during this period resulted from the increasingly centralized role of maritime trade routes as the ways and means of an emerging world economy. In a passage that bears a striking resemblance to contemporary descriptions of the Internet, Rediker states, “English trade routes constituted the arteries of the imperial body between 1650 and 1750. They unified distant parts of the globe, different markets, and distinct modes of production. They joined local, regional, national, and international economies [...] and they organized the flow of commodities and the movements of labor. These pulsing routes, stretching from one port city to the next, were the most elementary material structures of the empire, indeed of the entire world economy” (Rediker 21).9 Pirates directly challenged the viability of these trade routes by plundering cargo and sinking ships.

Rediker defines a pirate as “one who willingly participates in robbery on the sea, not discriminating among nationalities in the choice of victims” (Rediker 256). Although Rediker correctly observes that these sea robbers bore no allegiance to their countries of origin, his emphasis on the “will” of pirates to choose their occupation is perhaps a bit misleading. Pirates were often working-class men dispossessed of land by enclosure, with few options other than life at sea. As Rediker himself notes, “Almost without exception, pirates, like the larger body of seafaring men, came from the lowest social classes. They were, as a royal official condescendingly observed, ‘desperate Rogues’ who could have little hope in life ashore” (Rediker 261). These were men who were “grimly familiar with the rigors of life at sea,” having previously labored as merchant seamen, Royal Navy sailors, or privateersmen (Rediker 260). The brutal discipline and meager pay of these “legitimate” occupations often seemed like grim alternatives compared to a life of crime beneath the banner of King Death. Indeed, as governments proceeded to ban privateering during the interim of war, mutinying ship and turning pirate was one of the few feasible means of subsistence for seamen out of work. For these reasons, it is difficult to theorize piracy in terms of traditional Marxist categories of analysis. Before turning to crime, many of these men were “free” workers, or sellers of their labor-power. As Peter Lamborn Wilson states in Pirate Utopias: Moorish Corsairs and European Renegadoes, “Ships were in some ways like floating factories, and maritime workers constituted a kind of proto-proletariat” (Wilson 21). But because of their criminal behavior, pirates seem more closely aligned with members of the lumpenproletariat—in other words, that “dangerous class” of beggars and thieves that Marx disparagingly refers to in The Eighteenth Brumaire as “the scum, offal and refuse of all [other] classes.” Marx admittedly doesn’t have anything positive to say about the lumpenproletariat, but as Franz Fanon notes in The Wretched of the Earth, “It is within this mass of humanity, this people of the shanty towns, at the core of the lumpenproletariat, that the rebellion will find its urban spearhead. For the lumpenproletariat, that horde of starving men, uprooted from their tribe and from their clan, constitutes one of the most spontaneous and the most radically revolutionary forces of a colonized people” (Fanon 129). If pirates were members of the lumpenproletariat, it was not because they functioned as parasites on the social body. Rather, their criminal behavior grew from a recognition (albeit intuitive or unconscious) of their position as disposable labor in an emerging world economy. Indeed, pirates and mutineers may have been free-floating masses, with lives characterized by nomadic mobility, but all of their movements were utterly dependent upon the rising and falling value of their labor. As Janice E. Thomson observes, “Piracy was not simply or always an economic crime—the theft of private property. It was also a political act—a protest against the obvious use of state institutions to defend property and discipline labor” (Thomson 46). Given these conditions, piracy must be viewed as a form of social resistance.

Indeed, it is often difficult to imagine piracy today in terms of the extent of its break with the conditions from which it arose. Temporarily removed from the disciplinary shackles of the church and the state, pirates “constructed a culture of masterless men. They were as far removed from traditional authorities as any men could be in the early eighteenth century. [...]. Here we can see aspirations and achievements that under normal circumstances were heavily muted, if not in many cases rendered imperceptible altogether, by the power relationships of everyday life” (Rediker 286). Traditional histories of piracy often emphasize these anarchic or libertarian features of life at sea. But alongside this unrivaled pursuit of freedom and self-interest, there was also a remarkably egalitarian dimension to piracy. As Wilson notes:

 

Pirates were very nearly communistic in their pure state. Scholars who see them simply as proto-capitalists are making a big mistake. [...]. Marxists like Hobsbawm never include the pirates among their approved “precursors” of true radicalism because they see the pirates—at best—as individuals involved in resistance simply as a form of self-aggrandizement and primitive accumulation. They forget that groups of pirates formed their own social spheres, and that the “governments” of these groups (as expressed in ships’ “articles”) were both anarchistic in affording maximum individual freedoms, and communistic in eliminating economic hierarchy. (Wilson 145-146)

 

Wilson is perhaps unfair to Marxist historians of “social banditry” like Hobsbawm, since the great majority of pirates do in fact seem to have been driven by individualistic pursuits. Nevertheless, there is compelling evidence supporting Wilson’s claims regarding a minority of radical pirates devoted to the construction of utopian communities on the margins of the world economy. For instance, the bulk of Wilson’s book examines the seventeenth century independent Pirate Republic of Salé, a port city on the coast of Morocco founded on piratical principles. He also briefly discusses a variety of other seventeenth and early eighteenth century utopian pirate communities—the most famous of which include “Hispaniola, where the Buccaneers created their own short-lived highly anarchic society; Libertatia, in Madagascar; Ranter’s Bay, also in Madagascar; and Nassau, in the Bahamas, which was the last classical pirate utopia” (Wilson 190). Each of these communities was founded upon democratic (and in some cases egalitarian) principles.

As further evidence to support his claims regarding the “communistic” or egalitarian features of piracy, Wilson quotes an extended passage from Daniel Defoe’s encyclopedic General History of the Pyrates. Defoe recounts an exchange between a pirate leader named Charles Bellamy and the captain of a merchant vessel that Bellamy’s men had recently captured and taken as prize off the coast of South Carolina in 1717. Bellamy (the pirate) tells the captain of the merchant vessel:

 

You are a sneaking puppy, and so are all those who will submit to be governed by laws which rich men have made for their own security; for the cowardly whelps have not the courage otherwise to defend what they get by knavery; but damn ye altogether: damn them for a pack of crafty rascals, and you, who serve them, for a parcel of hen-hearted numbskulls. They vilify us, the scoundrels do, when there is only this difference, they rob the poor under the cover of law, forsooth, and we plunder the rich under the protection of our own courage. (Defoe, as quoted in Wilson 52)

 

Bellamy’s reference to the thieving practices of the ruling class of his time echoes the inflammatory rhetoric of seventeenth-century proto-communist radicals like the Diggers. For instance, in the Digger pamphlet Watch-word to the City of London, Gerrard Winstanley passionately decries “the selfish murdering fleshly Lawes of this Nation, which hangs some for stealing, and protects others in stealing; Lords of Mannours stole the land from their fellow creatures formerly in the conquests of Kings, and now they have made Lawes to imprison and hang all those that seek to recover the land again out of their thieving murdering hands” (Winstanley 9). As the English historian Christopher Hill has argued, there is good reason to suspect the possible influence of groups like the Diggers on late seventeenth and early eighteenth century maritime radicalism. Hill describes pirates like Bellamy as “egalitarian avengers” (Hill 165), taking to the seas to redress the sins of the wealthy. Rediker extends this correspondence between pirate practices and the radical views of the sixteen-forties and fifties by noting that the democratic selection of officers among pirates “echoed similar demands within the New Model Army in the English Revolution and stood in stark, telling contrast to the near-dictatorial arrangement of command in the merchant service and the Royal Navy” (Rediker 262-263). In order to ensure themselves against these “legitimate” forms of oppression, pirate crews elected their own captains and drew up collectively agreed upon articles or compacts setting the terms of each voyage. Although the election of officers established hierarchies among members of the crew, captains were nevertheless afforded very few privileges. As Rediker notes, “The crew granted the captain unquestioned authority ‘in fighting, chasing, or being chased,’ but ‘in all other Matters whatsoever’ he was ‘governed by a Majority’” (Rediker 262). This determined opposition to privilege among pirates bore little resemblance to the oppressive conditions of “legitimate” life at sea.

But perhaps the most radical feature of piracy was its antagonistic relation to private property. It is here that we see the legacy of the Diggers in action. As Rediker and Peter Linebaugh observe in their co-authored book The Many-Headed Hydra, the pirate ship was “egalitarian in a hierarchical age, as pirates divided their plunder equally, leveling the elaborate structure of pay ranks common to all other maritime employments. [...]. By expropriating a merchant ship (after a mutiny or a capture), pirates seized the means of maritime production and declared it to be the common property of those who did its work” (Linebaugh and Rediker 163). Once reclaimed as a shared possession, ships became sites of permanent revolution. Wages were abolished and replaced by a pre-capitalist share system. As Rediker notes, pirates “considered themselves risk-sharing partners rather than a collection of ‘hands’ who sold their muscle on an open market” (Rediker 107). Wilson describes this share system as follows:

 

Pirate captains very frequently took only one-and-a-half or two shares, the ship’s officers took one-and-a-half or one-and-a-fourth, the crewmen one share, and non-combatants (boys and musicians!) one-half or three-fourths. By contrast a privateer captain usually took 40 shares to the crewman’s single share. Of course, one share in a successful privateering cruise could be worth far more than a salary in the merchant marine—or unpaid impressment into a Navy—but the contrast with piratical egalitarianism is very striking. (Wilson 145)

 

Rediker also notes that pirates often set aside portions of wealth in order to establish common welfare funds to compensate comrades who “sustained injury of lasting effect” (Rediker 264). By basically leveling the elaborate hierarchy of pay ranks and distinctions common to life aboard merchant and privateering vessels, pirates constructed one of the most radically egalitarian social arrangements of their day.

But as I have noted, these radical pirates were by no means more than a minority. The bulk of sea robberies were actually performed by the state. Marx’s narrative of primitive accumulation serves as an important reminder of the fact that European nations (and their various claims regarding territorial properties) were founded upon histories of theft. As Raymond Williams observes:

 

There is no innocence in the established proprietors, at any particular point in time, unless we ourselves choose to put it there. Very few titles to property could bear humane investigation, in the long process of conquest, theft, political intrigue, courtiership, extortion and the power of money. It is a deep and persistent illusion to suppose that time confers on these familiar processes of acquisition an innocence which can be contrasted with the ruthlessness of subsequent states of the same essential drives...the “ancient stocks,” to which we are sentimentally referred, are ordinarily only those families who had been pressing and exploiting their neighbors rather longer. (Williams 50)

 

England’s sixteenth and seventeenth century imperial ascent is exemplary in this regard.10 For instance, previous to the reign of James I, piracy was in fact a state-sanctioned practice—although it went by the name of “privateering.” Indeed, as David Delison Hebb notes, it was a common belief among European countries that England was a nation of pirates (Hebb 1). Of course the English didn’t perceive themselves in such terms. As Wilson notes, “A privateer is only a criminal from the point of view of the ships he attacks; from his own point of view he’s committing a legitimate act of war” (Wilson 143). In her book Mercenaries, Pirates, and Sovereigns: State-building and Extraterritorial Violence in Early Modern Europe, Janice E. Thomson distinguishes privateering from piracy as follows: with privateering, the state issued letters of marque or reprisal authorizing and commissioning non-state actors to deploy privately owned armed naval vessels to interrupt and capture foreign shipping in times of war. Individuals who engaged in this activity without the proper state authorization were labeled as pirates and punished accordingly (Thomson 9). Piracy thus differed from privateering only to the extent that privateering was commissioned by the state.

This alliance of governments and pirates reached its greatest level of intensity during England’s war with Spain toward the end of the sixteenth century. Because the English Crown lacked the funds necessary to construct an efficient wartime navy, it was forced to call upon privateers in 1585 to help defend its shores and interrupt enemy commerce. As Thomson notes:

 

England gained naval superiority over Spain largely through the action of the Elizabethan Sea Dogs. These private adventurers, in collusion with the English Crown, engaged in all kinds of violent activities directed against Spain in the New World. Besides plundering Spanish ships and settlements, such Sea Dogs as Drake, Cavendish, Clifford (the third earl of Cumberland), and Raleigh engaged in what might be termed state-sponsored terrorism. For example, Drake extorted large ransoms from two Spanish colonial cities by threatening to burn them to the ground. He actually destroyed three other cities. His sack of Peru netted him and his backers £2.5 million and repaid his backers, including Elizabeth, “47 for 1.” Cumberland, leading a purely private expedition, captured Puerto Rico in 1598. Other Sea Dogs behaved similarly, plundering, destroying, and extorting their way to fame and fortune in England and sharing their loot with the English Crown. Drake and Raleigh, of course, were knighted for their achievements. (Thomson 23)

 

These practices lasted well beyond Elizabeth’s reign. For instance, later in the seventeenth century, Henry Morgan launched a devastating attack on Spanish colonial outposts in Panama. During this attack, “Morgan and his men destroyed forts, desecrated churches, killed nuns, raped captive women, and tortured children as well as adults of both sexes in an attempt to force their victims to disclose hidden gold” (Sherry 60). Upon Morgan’s orders, Panama City was burned to the ground. Thomson notes that “while the Spanish charged that Morgan was a pirate, the English agreed with Morgan that he and his buccaneers were legal privateers” (Thomson 47). When he returned home to England, Morgan was greeted as a popular hero, “knighted and later named lieutenant-governor of Jamaica and a judge on its vice-admiralty court” (Thomson 47). Thus, although they were typically dismissed as rogues and criminals when their piratical behaviors disrupted the flow of English commerce, these “abominable brutes” were somehow magically transformed into patriots and heroes when their acts of plunder were profitably directed against sanctioned enemies of the Crown.

Indeed, the line between piracy and privateering was a thin one at best, often amounting to little more than an economic consideration of whether or not the state was in on the take. The same actions—robbery and depredation at sea—were variously embraced and rejected over time depending for the most part upon the degree of their compatibility with state interests. For example, just ten years before Elizabeth’s legalization of privateering, a variety of high-ranking English officials were prosecuted for their dealings with pirates. As Olivia Isil notes, “In the year 1576 alone, persons fined for ‘trafficking with pyrats’ included the mayor of Dartmouth, the Lieutenant and Deputy Customs Searcher of Portsmouth, the Deputy Vice Admiral of Bristol, the High Sheriff of Glamorganshire, William Winter, a relative of the Surveyor of the Navy and William Hawkins, brother of the Treasurer of the Navy.”11 Meanwhile, more than a century later, with the return of peace after the War of the Grand Alliance in 1697, England renewed its efforts to suppress the increasingly indiscriminate acts of piracy its military efforts had spawned. This dramatic policy reversal’s most celebrated victim was Captain Kidd, an Englishman licensed as a privateer in 1696 who turned to piracy when war was ended. Kidd was eventually seized, convicted, and hanged in London in 1701.

Thus, in a complicated series of reversals, piracy was transformed from “criminal behavior” to “an exploitable resource” to “a practice that must be eliminated.” Thomson outlines this historical dialectic of repulsion and desire as follows:

 

The state would authorize privateering, which was legalized piracy, during wartime. When the war concluded, thousands of seamen were left with no more appealing alternative than piracy. The state would make some desultory efforts to suppress the pirates, who would simply move somewhere else. With the outbreak of the next war, the state would offer blanket pardons to pirates who would agree to serve as privateers, and the process would start all over again. (Thomson 54)

 

Piracy therefore seems to have served a double function as both a necessary component of the process of primitive accumulation, as well as a radical resistance to this process. Over the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, England utilized piracy as a means of furthering its goal of overseas expansion. It was then compelled (by the threat of both radical pirates and foreign privateers) to renounce these “excessive” former acts of theft and aggression in order to secure and maintain unimpeded commerce with its New World acquisitions. In other words, by illegitimatizing piracy, England succeeded in monopolizing the means of primitive accumulation. From that point forward, “legitimate” forms of violence and theft were the exclusive domains of the state.

A similar effort to monopolize processes of primitive accumulation can be seen to motivate contemporary corporate acts and renunciations of piracy, although the primary “theater of operations” for these acts has shifted. Piracy has spread from the waters of the Atlantic to both the “interior” spaces of genetic information as well as the virtual spaces of global telecommunications networks. Expropriated intellectual properties are the new grounds upon which capital builds its markets. But because the fields of biotechnology and telecommunications are capital’s current major growth industries, they are also its weakest links. As a result of their current vulnerabilities, these “spectral” or informational forms of primitive accumulation have generated equivalent forms of resistance. The spirit of seventeenth and eighteenth century radical maritime piracy finds one of its contemporary embodiments online.12 Digital exchange networks are one the primary means by which privately owned intellectual properties are plundered and returned to the commons. These online resistances have emerged as indictments of an ongoing corporate-sponsored primitive accumulation of information. Corporations have responded to these indictments with slanderous renunciations. Indeed, it is precisely at that moment when multinationals attempt to legitimate ownership of their newly-acquired intellectual properties that “piracy” is “born again” in contemporary business and legal discourses as a term of abuse directed toward users of digital exchange networks.

By tracing this progression from sea-lanes to cyberspace, I don’t mean to deny the continued presence of maritime piracy as a threat to global commerce. In fact, current US Naval Institute publications like Jack A. Gottschalk and Brian P. Flanagan’s Jolly Roger With an Uzi seem to indicate that the number of incidents of high-seas piracy has actually increased in recent years. Nevertheless, corporate efforts to mobilize public opinion regarding piracy have tended to focus on its online manifestations. This emphasis on digital rather than maritime piracy is symptomatic of the ongoing global restructuring of capital. In The Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels write, “The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere” (Marx and Engels 13). But capital is no longer content with the surface of the globe. As it encounters the planetary limits of colonial or territorial expansion, capital finds that it must increasingly rely upon the commodification of virtual geographies. Hence the construction of cyberspace.

Dan Schiller refers to this new stage of expansion as digital capitalism. Although a number of competing terms have been used to track capital’s latest movements (including postmodernity, Empire, global capitalism, and the information society), I prefer “digital capitalism” because of its tendency to accentuate the influence of computers on contemporary forms of production. In his book Digital Capitalism: Networking the Global Market System, Schiller argues that “the Internet comprises nothing less than the central production and control apparatus of an increasingly supranational market system” (Schiller xiv). While Schiller perhaps overstates the importance of the Internet (especially since, according to UNESCO, approximately one-sixth of the world’s population remains illiterate), his comments nevertheless direct our attention to the fact that digital communications technologies are now primary sites of investment and growth. In recent years, capitalists have made manic efforts to restructure their assets and direct investment toward the commercial exploitation of information. As Tessa Morris-Suzuki notes, capitalist profits are no longer singularly reliant upon the “theft of alien labor time” (Morris-Suzuki 65). They now additionally depend upon “the private appropriation of ‘accumulated social knowledge’” (65). Digital technologies are increasingly employed to store and transmit this knowledge. Nevertheless, it is important to emphasize that this digital restructuring of capital does not constitute a wholly new “postindustrial” social order. This is certainly not (as its apologists would argue) a “friction-free” or “kinder and gentler” beast. Instead, following Jameson, we might say that digital capitalism is the most recent stage in the “systemic modification of capitalism itself” (Jameson xii). In other words, capital’s latest transformations are fueled by a dialectic of difference and repetition. The lyrics may change but the song remains the same.

At the center of these shifts are debates regarding intellectual property legislation. As (predominantly American) corporations grow more heavily dependent upon the commodification of information and knowledge as a source of profit, the international protection of these properties increasingly becomes an issue. As Christopher May notes, legally recognized ownership of intellectual property confers upon corporations a variety of economic benefits, including “the right to charge rent for use, to receive compensation for loss and collect payment for transfer or sale” (May 7). The precise scale of these benefits is astounding. For instance, in their co-authored book Global Hollywood, Toby Miller, Nitin Govil, John McMurria, and Richard Maxwell write, “[Intellectual property] protection is especially important now, because the copyright industries are the fastest growing sectors of the US economy. These industries—which include film, sound recording, software and books—gather foreign sales and exports of over US$60 billion per year, exceeding automobile export and even aerospace, which had held the number one ranking for many years” (Miller et al 111). Perceived threats to these industries have therefore been subjected to intense legal pressure.

This pressure typically appears in the guise of potential trade sanctions or a denial of most-favored nation status based on the terms of the World Trade Organization’s 1994 Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs). In this sense then, the TRIPs Agreement represents the most comprehensive effort thus far by American corporations to monopolize control of the international exchange of intellectual properties. As May notes, “The central intention of the TRIPs agreement is to provide a legal framework for a single intellectual property regime throughout the international system” (May 70). In other words, TRIPs “imposes a definition of intellectual property rights directly disadvantageous to Third World countries which, holding few patents themselves, have been brought within the scope of a regime where they will be held strictly accountable for their state of exponentially increasing indebtedness” (Frow 89). And to ensure this accountability, TRIPs contains enforcement provisions that standardize responses to breaches of its framework. This means that countries that fail to comply with agreement standards can then be subjected to trade retaliation if the dispute settlement mechanism of the WTO has determined the existence of a case of non-compliance. TRIPs therefore provides US corporations with broad legal protections for their claims regarding the ownership of intellectual properties. And this is by no means a coincidence: TRIPs is largely the result of prolonged lobbying efforts on the part of a private sector trade coalition called the Intellectual Property Committee (IPC) formed to represent the interests of major US copyright industries (Sell 137). As a result of this influence, TRIPs is remarkably biased in favor of US corporate dominance of the international market for intellectual properties.

This desire for dominance permeates the language of US policy initiatives regarding the ongoing TRIPs-enabled and corporate-sponsored primitive accumulation of information. Schiller cites an article by David Rothkopf entitled “In Praise of Cultural Imperialism?” as an example of this rhetoric of dominance. Rothkopf—who served as Deputy Undersecretary of Commerce during the first Clinton administration, and later became managing director of Kissinger Associates, a corporate consulting company run by the former Secretary of State—makes an explicit (and for him, desirable) connection between contemporary American efforts to privatize information and the “exemplary” (i.e. piratical) naval practices of the British Empire. He writes, “For the United States, a central objective of an Information Age foreign policy must be to win the battle of the world’s information flows, dominating the airwaves as Great Britain once ruled the seas” (Rothkopf, as quoted in Schiller 81). Rothkopf continues by insisting, “It could not be more strategically crucial that the United States do whatever is in its power to shape the development of [the global information] infrastructure, the rules governing it, and the information traversing it” (Rothkopf, as quoted in Schiller 81-82). Rothkopf’s imperial desire to control the international flow of information is an individual articulation of broader corporate efforts to monopolize the means of primitive accumulation.

Copyright industries have been forced to take these assertive, domineering stances since digital technologies have largely outmoded the conditions of possibility upon which their products were founded. Indeed, with the advent of the Internet and digital modes of exchange, information is transformed (at least in theory) into an endlessly duplicable resource. This excessively reproductive quality of digitized information distinguishes it from traditional commodity forms. But knowledge commodities are not simply cheap to replicate after their initial stage of production—they can also never be “consumed” or exhausted after use. Morris-Suzuki emphasizes these “peculiarities” of knowledge in her essay “Robots and Capitalism,” where she argues that “the special properties of knowledge...mean that it can only acquire exchange value where institutional arrangements confer a degree of monopoly power on its owner” (Morris-Suzuki 17). Jim Davis, Thomas Hirschl, and Michael Stark develop this further in their introduction to Cutting Edge: Technology, Information, Capitalism and Social Revolution, where they write, “Capitalism thrives in this new climate only by bending and subsuming knowledge formation to its needs through aggressive privatization, ‘harnessing freely available “social knowledge” to the profit-making activities of the large corporation’” (Davis et al 5). In other words, producers of intellectual property can only generate profits so long as they manufacture artificial conditions of scarcity. The only way for corporations to generate this condition of scarcity is by renting out products over limited periods of time. Delivery or distribution networks must therefore be strictly controlled.

But controlled transmissions are not the only means by which capital “contains” or privatizes information. Legal institutions are also responsible for the construction of knowledge as property. Indeed, as May notes, “Property qua property does not pre-exist the apparatus of government (or the state), waiting to be recognized legally; rather, the legal recognition of property constitutes its existence in a form we can identify” (May 16). Corporations have responded accordingly to this constitutive power of legal discourse, attempting in recent years to both strengthen and extend the domain of laws regarding copyrights, patents, and trademarks in order to ensure a continued equation between knowledge and property. These efforts culminated in the passage of the Sonny Bono Copyright Term Extension Act of 1998.13 According to Richard A. Spinello, the Bono legislation “extends the term of copyright protection by twenty years: For individual authors the term is now life of the author plus seventy years (instead of fifty years), and for corporations the term is now ninety-five years (instead of seventy-five years)” (Spinello 163). Because of this act, no copyrighted works in the United States will even be considered for entrance into the public domain due to term expiration until January 1, 2019.

This massive extension of copyright power bears a striking resemblance to the English Enclosure Acts of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. With the passage of the Bono Act, an ever greater expanse of the cultural domain is fenced off and subjected to private corporate ownership. Aside from the more immediate economic benefits conferred upon corporations by this process, the privatization of the cultural and intellectual commons also significantly curtails the ability of citizens to critically respond to and contest the bewildering proliferation of spectacles and signs that comprises the fabric of everyday life. As Rosemary J. Coombe observes, expanded intellectual property laws “deprive us of possibilities for dialogic interaction with the cultural reality or life-world of postmodernity” (Coombe 50). By prohibiting the reproduction of vital cultural texts, copyright laws effectively criminalize various methods of critical scrutiny and transformative appropriation. Since many of these texts are “constitutive of the cultural milieu in which we live,” their legal status as “exclusive properties that cannot be reproduced without consent and compensation” ultimately constrains “communication within, through, and about the media that surrounds us” (Coombe 51). Monopoly privileges therefore confer upon corporations the ability not only to determine the content of the texts that increasingly confront us, but also the conditions under which these texts are put to use.

As I have noted above though, a series of popular piratical social practices have emerged online in direct opposition to these corporate acts of primitive accumulation. With the advent of downloadable shareware programs like the highly publicized Napster (written by an 18-year-old college dropout named Shawn Fanning) in 1999, the online exchange of music became commonplace, and the term “digital piracy” was born. Like the radical pirates of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, today’s digital pirates explicitly challenge traditional conceptions of property. But unlike their maritime predecessors, contemporary pirates base their operations around online file-sharing technologies, which are used to establish geographically dispersed pirate economies or networks. These decentralized “peer-to-peer” (p2p) exchange networks establish direct connections between the hard drives of isolated user PCs. As the phrase “peer-to-peer” would indicate, hierarchical “client-server” relationships are eliminated or rejected in favor of leveled communication between peers. Although these file-sharing applications are most commonly used to download MP3 music files, popular programs like KaZaA also allow users to freely exchange digitally-rendered copies of videos, images, documents, software, and games.

Predictably enough, business representatives and journalists have been quick to respond to these new file-sharing technologies, alternately positing either the criminal or revolutionary implications of online services like Audiogalaxy and KaZaA. For instance, Napster was effectively criminalized and shut down in February of 2001 as a result of lawsuits filed by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA), which is basically a copyright cartel (although they would define themselves as a trade association) representing the legal and economic interests of the five major record labels—AOL Time Warner, EMI-Capitol, Bertelsmann, Sony, and Universal Vivendi.14 Given the monopolistic distribution networks these five companies have consolidated in recent years (and the substantial profits they garner), the RIAA’s hostility to file-sharing certainly makes sense financially. But from the perspective of pirates, the RIAA is simply a bully with legal leverage, representing an increasingly corrupt record industry that exploits both artists and consumers. Indeed, the public’s perception of the RIAA as a “playground bully” has strengthened dramatically in recent months due to the organization’s misguided legal campaign against college students, as well as its effort to prosecute an apparently “criminal-minded” twelve-year-old Brooklyn girl who plead guilty to charges of downloading “Happy Birthday” and her favorite TV show theme songs.15 Appropriately enough then, a series of faux-propaganda posters with the slogan “When You Pirate MP3’s, You’re Downloading Communism!” have recently circulated in response to the RIAA’s attacks. These posters appropriate the conventions of 1950s-era Red Scare propaganda in order to comment upon and poke fun at the RIAA’s ongoing demonization efforts. They depict “an evil red man” dressed as a Soviet official standing behind an anonymous teenage boy listening to headphones and staring blankly at a computer monitor. Along similar lines, business journalist Sean Gallagher humorously refers to p2p file-sharing networks as the equivalent of “online Marxism—‘from each according to his disk store, to each according to his bandwidth.’”16 And finally, in a New York Times Magazine article published in June of 2000, Andrew Sullivan coined the term “dot-communism” and pointed to MP3 swapping as proof of what he called communism’s cyberspace rebirth as “Marxism 2.0.” Sullivan glibly states, “By turning physical property into endlessly duplicable e-property, the ancient human problem of ‘mine-thine’ has been essentially solved.”17 Culture industry hype of this caliber is actually difficult to avoid in dot-com land.

But surreal hype notwithstanding, file-sharing technologies certainly remain sites of intense struggle and conflict. Battles over piracy are fought on both legal and discursive terrain. For example, in a “Questions and Answers” document published on their website, the RIAA effectively redefines the word ‘sharing’ in order to unequivocally state, “[File-sharing] is stealing. Period. Sharing is when one person lends a product to another, expecting its return. [File-sharing] is mass duplication and distribution of copyrighted material. There’s no sharing going on.”18 This remarkable instance of Orwellian doublespeak is characteristic of RIAA rhetoric. Meanwhile, the online independent music magazine Pitchforkmedia.com has published a series of articles over the past two years documenting the continuing legal struggles between the RIAA and popular file-sharing services like Audiogalaxy, KaZaA, Morpheus, and Grokster. In a Pitchfork article dated Tuesday May 28, 2002, Will Bryant reports, “The Recording Industry Association of America took aim at Audiogalaxy in court last Friday, alleging that the popular service has not done enough to protect against copyrighted files being shared by its users, despite the good-faith efforts made by Audiogalaxy to block specific files at the copyright owners’ request.”19 Within one month of this allegation, and after having endured intense legal pressure, Audiogalaxy caved in to the RIAA’s demands, including the immediate adoption of an artificially imposed filtering system that required “not only the songwriter, but the music publisher and record company to all provide permission before allowing Audiogalaxy users to swap files.”20 But as with Napster, this apparent defeat simply encouraged pirates to migrate toward new applications, in an endless deferral of the law.

As these recent legal battles indicate, digital modes of reproduction and exchange fundamentally challenge the artificial conditions of scarcity upon which capitalist economies prey. One is reminded of Marx’s famous Preface to a Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, where he writes, “At a certain stage of their development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production, or—what is but a legal expression of the same thing—with the property relations within which they have been at work hitherto. From forms of development of the forces of production these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an epoch of social revolution” (Marx 4-5). But while traditional capitalist property relations clearly seem to constrain the reproductive and re-distributive potential of computer technologies (and file-sharing applications in particular), there are nevertheless serious ambiguities regarding the political attitudes of digital pirates themselves. As with the maritime pirates of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, contemporary digital piracy exhibits a contradictory array of both libertarian and anarcho-communist dimensions. For instance, the slogan “Information Wants to be Free” has become a kind of cyberlibertarian rallying cry. The first issue of Pirate Magazine (an online hacker newsletter from the late 1980s devoted to the pirate and phone-phreak “computer underground”) contains an anonymously authored editorial stating, “A pirate is somebody who believes that information belongs to the people. [...] By keeping information open and flowing and not under the control of a privileged few, we are enhancing democracy and freedom of the marketplace. PIRATES ARE FREEDOM FIGHTERS KEEPING THE DREAM ALIVE!”21 This emphasis on the so-called “freedom of the marketplace” exemplifies the eclectic brew of both “anarchic” or “populist” and radical right-wing libertarian ideologies that commonly pervade hacker and pirate discourse (including mainstream derivations of this discourse, typified by magazines like WIRED and the now-defunct Mondo 2000). Vivian Sobchack describes this cyberlibertarian perspective as follows: “Although [cyberlibertarianism] dreams of a communitarian utopia, its major impulses are to secure maximum individualism and privatization, and it is blind to the historical structures that go beyond individual motivation and ‘do-it-yourself’ entrepreneurship in determining ‘winners’ and ‘losers’” (Sobchack 329-330). Because this mutant strain of libertarianism has become such an important feature of pirate self-perception, any attempt to discuss the radical potential of piracy must therefore simultaneously recognize this reactionary dimension as well.

Indeed, digital piracy may pose a significant challenge to ongoing corporate strategies of primitive accumulation, but it is nevertheless a predominantly first-world form of resistance. In order to participate in the “hi-tech gift economies” (Barbrook 172) of digital exchange networks, users must first have access to relatively powerful computers with high-speed Internet connections, as well as a certain limited degree of technical literacy. These access requirements and their attendant exclusions certainly go some way toward explaining the oddly reactionary ideologies of digital pirates themselves. But more importantly, they remind us of the fact that the re-distributive power of online file-sharing technologies can only extend as far as the Internet itself. A recent article by Andrew Ross Sorkin published in the Sunday May 4, 2003 issue of The New York Times indicates that corporations are beginning to recognize the effectiveness of these technical or structural limitations of digital piracy, and future anti-piracy efforts are likely to be modeled accordingly. As Sorkin notes, record companies are “quietly financing the development and testing of software programs that would sabotage the computers and Internet connections of people that download pirated music.” These invasive countermeasures (some of which are illegal according to state and federal wiretap laws) range from “locking” or “freezing” computers to “attacking personal Internet connections so as to slow or halt downloads of pirated music” to “spreading copies of fake music files across file-sharing networks like KaZaA and Morpheus.”22 Thus, rather than wasting time and money on lawsuits, record companies are now aggressively pursuing efforts to construct what Lawrence Lessig calls “architectures of control” (Lessig 126). According to Lessig, behavior in cyberspace is primarily controlled not by traditional forms of legislation but by programming codes or imperatives of compliance—in other words, the programming and architecture of networks themselves. Record companies have now realized that the most effective and efficient way to stop piracy is by remodeling the technologies upon which it relies. By embracing these technical methods of punishment and repression, corporations are essentially sidestepping government and taking the law into their own hands.

These aggressive corporate efforts to control or subdue online acts of piracy bear a striking resemblance to recent experiments in the field of biotechnology. In both cases, profits are garnered and properties are secured through the strategic re-coding of information. The piratical efforts of the American music and film industries to monopolize ownership of the cultural commons mirrors the biotech industry’s attempts to patent the genetic codes of life itself. Like most schools of modern biology, the biotech industry proceeds from the assumption that organisms are essentially laboring units commissioned to process an internalized genetic code. Life forms are reduced to what Richard Dawkins calls “survival machines” (Dawkins vii) that begin as condensed packets of information, organize themselves through a process of programmed self-assembly, operate on environments in a controlled manner according to set instructions, and reproduce by means of transmission. Indeed, as Edward Yoxen notes, biotechnology is essentially the industrial projection of “nature as programmed matter” (Yoxen 198). The end result of this logic is an instrumental conception of organisms that subordinates life to the commodity form.

More precisely, this reductive interpretation of life as information renders the genetic material of organisms legally susceptible to claims of private ownership. For instance, as a result of international intellectual property legislation like the TRIPs Agreement, Western corporations have been granted the right to expropriate and patent the indigenous knowledges and agricultural resources of Third World countries. As John Frow observes, “the new global reach of the legal regimes...has made it possible for Third World plant varieties, in some cases the result of millennia of breeding, to become, with minor genetic modifications, the property of financially powerful corporations, which can then exact royalties for their use in their countries of origin” (Frow 97). Slight modifications of extracted animal and plant genes are understood as the patentable “discoveries” and “creations” of Western scientists, all of which are therefore deserving of economic recognition. The recently completed Human Genome Project is perhaps the most publicized instance of this ongoing enclosure of the biological and genetic commons. The project collected blood and tissue samples from different population groups throughout the world, with the aim of developing a representative database of human genetic diversity. This “massive effort to sequence the three billion DNA letters in the human genome” is described by Aristides Patrinos on the National Human Genome Research Institute web page as “a pioneering venture” which “opened the door into a vast and complex new biological landscape.”23 Patrinos’ metaphorical understanding of the genome as a “new biological landscape” reflects a more general tendency to transform genetic information into traditional forms of property. While the genome itself is considered part of the public domain, its commercial applications are nevertheless subject to privatization. Genomics corporations like Celera and Incyte have already proceeded to patent multiple sequences of raw DNA. According to its corporate web site, Incyte has “the largest commercial portfolio of issued U.S. patents covering full-length human genes and the proteins they encode.”24 These genetic patents grant corporations like Incyte and Celera an exclusive right to exploit their properties for commercial purposes.

Not surprisingly, the word “piracy” appears in the title of a number of books published over the past few years in response to these privatizing practices, including Vandana Shiva’s Biopiracy: The Plunder of Nature and Knowledge, as well as a collection of essays from human rights publisher Clarity Press called The Piracy of America: Profiteering in the Public Domain. Shiva’s book is particularly interesting in terms of the present argument, since she defines “biopiracy” as the private appropriation of indigenous knowledge-cultures by Western biotechnology firms, and explicitly relates these practices to Marx’s earlier “moment” of primitive accumulation. From Shiva’s perspective, the corporate expropriation of Third World genetic resources is perceived as an extension or intensification of the piratical practices that led to the European colonization of the Americas. The only distinction is that targeted lands are now replaced by targeted forms of life. She writes, “The creation of property through the piracy of another’s wealth remains the same as 500 years ago” (Shiva 2), except for the fact that “the colonies have now been extended to the interior spaces, the ‘genetic codes’ of life-forms from microbes and plants to animals, including humans” (3). Thus, in a move that resembles Marx’s nineteenth-century indictment of capital for its “primitivism,” Shiva strategically appropriates and redirects Western accusations of “piracy” back at the West itself in order to illegitimatize global capitalist strategies of accumulation. Capital is once again indicted on charges of violence and brutality. Indeed, even by its own standards, capital this time has seemingly “gone too far.” It is precisely the “excessive” nature of these new acts of “interior” conquest and plunder that render them susceptible to public accusations of piracy.

Unfortunately, this ongoing legacy of Western brutality is often viewed by legitimizing parties as “the way of nature,” and hence dismissed as a necessary evil. Shiva notes, “At the heart of Columbus’s ‘discovery’ was the treatment of piracy as a natural right of the colonizer, necessary for the deliverance of the colonized. At the heart of the GATT treaty and its patent laws [like the TRIPs Agreement] is the treatment of biopiracy as a natural right of Western corporations, necessary for the ‘development’ of Third World communities” (Shiva 5). In both instances, “legitimate” acts of piracy repeatedly rely upon bankrupt appeals to a traditional Lockean understanding of natural rights. Thus, from the perspective of corporate-sponsored intellectual property legislation like the TRIPs Agreement, “only those who own capital have the natural right to own natural resources, a right that supercedes the common rights of others with prior claims” (Shiva 3). As a result of these laws, “those who are exploited become...criminals, [and] those who exploit require protection. The North must be protected from the South so that it can continue its uninterrupted theft of the Third World’s genetic diversity” (Shiva 55-56). All of these passages remind us of that most ironic and contradictory feature of property law, which is its tendency to justify corporate acts of piracy as legitimate claims of ownership, while simultaneously condemning customary claims of shared ownership as punishable acts of piracy. This hypocritical relation to piracy is the ground upon which all claims to property are based.

I had originally hoped to conclude this essay with all the polemical force and conviction of the final paragraphs of The Communist Manifesto. This was to be an insurgent battle cry, a call to arms—something along the lines of “Pirates of the World, Unite!” Unfortunately, that kind of motivational certitude and determination now seems at some gut level like a thing of the past irretrievably lost. Indeed, the social world has not resolved itself into “two great hostile camps” (Marx and Engels 10). Firmly betwixt the world of “corporate expropriators” and “radical pirates” lies a vast gray area of ambivalence and equivocation. Thus, in order to arrive at a conclusion that incorporates this gray area into its assessment of the potential for piracy to function as a resistance to global capital, I would like to briefly weigh in on one final set of developments in the debate over digital piracy. As I have stated at various points, there are two main opponents in the war against piracy—Hollywood and the music industry. We have already seen the way the recording industry deals with pirates, brandishing its “bad-cop” demeanor while levying its might in the courtrooms. Now we must turn to Hollywood.

Since July of 2003, the Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA) has launched a series of “public service announcements” produced by Twentieth Century Fox as part of its multi-pronged, “Popular Front”-style attack on digital piracy. (Author’s Note: I love that these announcements are considered “public services”—as if Jack Valenti and the MPAA were doing theatergoers a favor by subjecting them to industry propaganda). Every major exhibitor in the United States has “generously” donated screen time each day to play 65-second theatrical trailers before all feature-length films in more than 5,000 theaters nationwide. The irony of this tactic is indeed quite extraordinary, since each of these trailers preaches to an audience that has already paid for the film. Announcements feature isolated blue-collar employees of the entertainment industry talking shop in nondescript work environments, followed by the tag line, “Movies. They’re Worth It.”25 Set designers, stuntmen, make-up artists, and animators all regurgitate trite descriptions (“in their own words”) of “the adverse effects of piracy on the many thousands whose livelihoods depend on the movie-going experience.” In a recent trailer, a stuntman named Manny Perry “enlightens” audiences with the following moral certitudes: “You know, you steal a candy bar from a store or you download a movie off of the Internet, I mean—that’s wrong. A lot of people put a lot of time, energy, effort, and in my situation, lives on the line. They’re doing all of that and then the person comes along and just hits a couple of buttons and they reap all of that benefit. It’s just—that’s just not right.” The anti-piracy theme of these theatrical PSAs is mirrored in and reinforced by 30-second primetime television spots aired on all the major networks. Peter Chernin, Chairman of the Fox Group, says, “We feel very strongly about the need to communicate that piracy has the power to cost real people real jobs, and that illegally downloading movies is a blow to creativity, not corporate might.” And to demonstrate just how strongly he feels about this need to communicate, Chernin and the MPAA have also “joined forces” with the Junior Achievement Organization (a group devoted to “free enterprise education”) in order to bring the subject of “Digital Citizenship” directly into the classrooms of students in Grades 5 through 9.26 According to the MPAA’s website, a new lesson plan that educates students about the moral, legal and economic importance of respecting copyrights has been sent to Junior Achievement Instructors for use in their school programs in over 36,000 classrooms nationwide.

In spite of (or perhaps because of) its disingenuousness, Chernin’s statement provides a concise illustration of MPAA tactics. The industry’s aim throughout this campaign has been to elicit sympathy from consumers by positioning its bottom-level employees as the PR equivalent of a “human shield.” And I don’t just mean to sound witty here: the corporations represented by the MPAA have literally resorted to hiding behind their workers. As in all good wartime propaganda, troops of the industrial army are wielded as pawns to disguise the fact that power lies somewhere else. Suddenly piracy is to blame for the ruthless expendability of corporate labor (rather than, say, the logic of capitalism itself). One of the PSAs released in theaters last summer features a 49-year-old Hollywood set painter named David Goldstein who states, “The piracy issue—I don’t believe it will affect the producers. I mean, it does affect them; but it’s miniscule to the way it affects—me, the guy working on construction, the lighting guy, the sound guy—because we are not million-dollar employees, at all. You know, we’re lucky if we can put together twelve straight months. All I wanna do is work and do the best product I can possibly put out.” Now, I don’t want to simply “dismiss” Goldstein’s comments, since they point to an important problem, and at least raise the question of what I would call “collateral damage.”27 This is perhaps the most significant popular objection to digital piracy. Never mind the fact that union workers in the motion picture industry are paid up front during production. Never mind the fact that workers like Goldstein and Perry therefore get paid the same regardless of whether a film flops or succeeds. Never mind that they don’t receive a penny from back-end profits for feature films. Never mind the fact that the movie industry is making more money now than ever in its history due to an unprecedented boom in DVD sales. Never mind the problems of outsourcing and runaway production. Never mind the income gap between set painters and studio executives. Despite each of these oversights in Goldstein’s off-the-cuff analysis, it would nevertheless be difficult to deny the fact that lower-level entertainment workers are placed at risk—however indirectly—as a result of digital piracy. And this, of course, is only the tip of the iceberg. The unintended consequences of piracy extend well beyond the boundaries of the corporate entertainment industry. We might ask ourselves: what about academic workers, independent filmmakers, independent singers and songwriters? Surely not all workers dependent upon the benefits of intellectual property laws are lackeys for corporate capital. Aren’t these “innocent” workers also placed at risk?

The truth of course is that all of these workers are potentially vulnerable as a result of digital piracy. And yet, according to this logic, the corporation can do no wrong. Ethical obligations are conveniently shouldered off onto consumers. The well-being of workers like Goldstein and Perry no longer depends on union actions or corporate decision-making processes; the fate of these workers now rests in the hands of “ordinary” Americans—people like you and me. This way of stating the problem ultimately fails to account for capital’s own hand in the crime. Indeed, in order to properly assess the utopian potential of contemporary acts of piracy, we must first acknowledge that there is no such thing as a “pure” form of politics, where no one gets hurt. Global capital is a diffuse enemy. It is everywhere and nowhere. Most importantly, there is no position of absolute externality from which to launch an attack, and thus a fraction of all damages are internally sustained. Nevertheless, the “might” of the entertainment industry, from top to bottom, is also clearly perceived to be at risk in these situations—hence the MPAA’s massively-funded defensive campaign to “educate” consumers about the dangers of piracy. It is this threat to the entertainment industry as a whole (rather than just its lower quarters) that makes piracy worth its salt.

Throughout this paper I have attempted to show that discourses of piracy appear as both defenses of and resistances to ongoing processes of primitive accumulation. In the past, these processes involved the massive expropriation of land and resources resulting from Europe’s prodigious “discovery” and conquest of the New World. More recently, we’ve witnessed similar discourses of molecular and digital piracy emerging in response to corporate efforts to monopolize control of the worldwide flow of information. With the development and growth of the biotech and international telecommunications industries, information has become an increasingly central feature of capitalist markets. Recent cultural disputes regarding the corporate-sponsored privatization of intellectual properties attest to this fact. Piracy has emerged as both the process whereby capital expropriates resources, as well as a challenge to that process. Thus far, the most successful of these challenges appears in the form of digital piracy, which marks a site where members of the lumpenproletariat contest the corporate use of emergent technologies to reproduce existing inequalities. By willfully disrupting “legitimate” flows of transmission and exchange, these pirates signify a potentially radical threat to the centralized ownership of the means of production. In this sense, contemporary acts of piracy can be imagined as liberating resistances to global capitalism (despite the negative consequences that such resistances are bound to entail). But a piracy that fails to link up with a broader culture of activism and resistance is little more than an immediate strategy for survival, with few hopes for the future—in other words, the historical equivalent of an island utopia, a “temporary autonomous zone” at best. Indeed, it is only in some expanded, possible future sense that we might imagine piracy as the site where capital digs its own grave. Toward the end of his discussion of primitive accumulation, Marx writes of a triumphant future moment when “the expropriators are expropriated” (Marx 929), and private property is reclaimed as the common treasury of the dispossessed. Piracy marks the demand for this future in the present.

 

 

 

WORKS CITED

 

Barbrook, Richard. “Cyber-Communism: How the Americans are Superseding Capitalism in Cyberspace.” (1999): <http://david.weekly.org/writings/cyber-communism.php3>

——. “The Hi-Tech Gift Economy.” First Monday 3.12 (December 1998): <http://www.firstmonday.dk/issues/issue3_12/barbrook/>

——. “The Holy Fools: Revolutionary Elitism in Cyberspace.” Micropolitics of Media Culture: Reading the Rhizomes of Deleuze and Guattari. ed. Patricia Pisters. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2001.

 

Barbrook, Richard and Andy Cameron. “The Californian Ideology.” Crypto Anarchy, Cyberstates, and Pirate Utopias. ed. Peter Ludlow. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2001.

 

Bartolovich, Crystal. “Consumerism, or the Cultural Logic of Late Cannibalism.” Cannibalism and the Colonial World. eds. Francis Barker, Peter Hulme, and Margaret Iversen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

——. “The Work of Cultural Studies in the Age of Transnational Production.” The Institution of Literature. ed. Jeffrey J. Williams. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002. 111-149.

 

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1 The aphorism “information wants to be free” became a popular late-nineties battle-cry among certain “liberated” sectors of the so-called New Economy. Although ex-Grateful Dead lyricist turned cyberlibertarian John Perry Barlow is often cited as the author of this statement, Barlow himself identifies Stewart Brand as the original culprit. This confusion of authorship lends the statement a certain ironic degree of authority—indeed, within our current ultra-proprietary climate, we might say that information is only “free” to the extent that it remains unattributed.

2 See Andrew Ross Sorkin, “Software Bullet Is Sought to Kill Musical Piracy.”

3 See the Motion Picture Association of America home page for details.

4 A sequel is scheduled for release during the summer of 2006.

5 I use this term with some discomfort. Hardt and Negri borrow the phrase “immaterial labor” from Italian Marxists like Maurizio Lazzarato, defining it as productive activity involving “the manipulation of symbols and information” (Hardt and Negri 291), or “labor that produces an immaterial good, such as a service, a cultural product, knowledge, or communication” (290). While “immaterial” has the advantage of widespread use, it nevertheless creates problems in its tendency to situate abstractions like symbols and services in opposition to the “stuff” of a materialist worldview. Thus it might be helpful to substitute “immaterial” with words like “nonphysical” or “intangible” (although each of these terms have problems of their own).

6 For instance, throughout the early modern period (i.e. Marx’s “moment” of primitive accumulation), cannibalistic desires were almost unilaterally projected by a proto-capitalist Europe onto its “primitive” New World other (although discourses of cannibalism were also sometimes used to describe “vagrant” populations internal to Europe), whereas piracy was often viewed as heterogeneous and dispersed—both an internal and external threat.

7 Peter Lamborn Wilson humorously describes this developing field of study as “piratology.” See Wilson, p. 17.

8 There are few known examples of Anglo-American women pirates other than the famous Anne Bonny and Mary Read.

9 By comparing Rediker’s discussion of seventeenth and eighteenth century sea routes with recent descriptions of the Internet, I mean to suggest that these historically distinct structures perform similar functions as the arteries and veins of the world economy. Maritime trade routes continue to operate as crucial modes of transmission and exchange, but their centrality to capital has now been displaced by the growth of air commerce and digital communication networks. Piracy’s emergence in cyberspace attests to this shift in power.

10 Although England is by no mean exceptional—its disreputable nation-building practices are part of what seems like an endless tradition of plunder in the West. Even the epic narratives of ancient Rome and Greece revolve around tales of piracy. Odysseus himself is by contemporary standards the worst kind of pirate, sailing the Mediterranean, sacking and plundering cities on a whim. These are the grounds upon which the West was built.

11 See Olivia Isil, “Piracy, Privateering and Elizabethan Maritime Expansion.”

12 This is not to suggest the unimportance of that vast network of low-tech criminal activities involved in the production of bootlegs, counterfeits, and all manner of pirated goods. The global proliferation of these “black” or clandestine markets undoubtedly represents a serious challenge to the interests of the multinationals. Indeed, MPAA president and CEO Jack Valenti has stated repeatedly that the defeat of both “earthbound and cyberspace thieves” is his “highest priority in the 21st century” (Valenti, quoted in Miller 136). However, of these two modes of resistance, I would argue that digital piracy is currently perceived as a greater threat to the entertainment industry because of its potential for unrestrained growth. The actions of “earthbound,” low-tech pirates are ultimately limited by conditions of material scarcity, whereas the actions of digital pirates are largely beyond such constraints. For an excellent account of low-tech piracy as a strategy of resistance, see Manthia Diawara, “Toward a Regional Imaginary in Africa,” p. 121-22.

13 The act of course was named after the late pop singer / TV star / Republican Congressman of California, who lobbied aggressively for extending the duration of copyrights. It was passed shortly after Bono’s death.

14 The RIAA rigorously maintains a propaganda site at: http://www.riaa.com.

15 The New York Post ran an article on Tuesday September 9, 2003 with a headline that reads, “12-Year-Old Sued for Music Downloading.” The article begins as follows: “Brianna LaHara said she was frightened to learn she was among the hundreds of people sued yesterday by giant music companies in federal courts around the country. ‘I got really scared. My stomach is all turning,’ Brianna said last night at the city Housing Authority apartment where she lives with her mom and her 9-year-old brother. ‘I thought it was OK to download music because my mom paid a service fee for it. Out of all people, why did they pick me?’” (See Lorena Mongelli, “Music Pirate”).

16 See Gallagher, “Don’t Steal the Music—Steal the Idea,” available online at: http://www-10.lotus.com/ldd/devbase.nsf/articles/doc2000081101.

17 Andrew Sullivan, “Dot-communist Manifesto,” New York Times Magazine, 11 June 2000, pp. 30-34 (http://www.west.net/~wwmr/dotcommy.htm).

18 This unintentionally humorous, anonymously authored document is available online through the RIAA’s website at: http://www.riaa.com/pdf/scour_QA.pdf.

19 Will Bryant, “RIAA Sues Audiogalaxy, Demands Users’ Souls,” Pitchforkmedia.com, 28 May 2002.

20 Will Bryant, “Audiogalaxy Makes Pact with the Devil,” Pitchforkmedia.com, 18 June 2002.

21 Copies of this magazine can be found online at: http://www.phreak.org/archives/underground/pirate/PIRATE-1.txt

22 For more information, see Sorkin, “Software Bullet Is Sought to Kill Musical Piracy.”

23 For more information on the Human Genome Project, see the National Human Genome Research Institute web page, located at: http://www.genome.gov.

24 For more information on Incyte, go to: http://www.incyte.com/control/aboutincyte.

25 Each of these announcements can be viewed online at: http://www.respectcopyrights.org

26 For more on the Junior Achievement Organization, go to: http://www.ja.org

27 When using a military term like “collateral damage,” I don’t mean to sound cold and distant. My father has worked as a commercial cameraman in New York for close to three decades now. He and his fellow workers lost their pensions in the late eighties as a result of corruption within their union. Since then, it has become increasingly difficult for him to maintain his livelihood. Local film studios have closed up and moved elsewhere in search of cheaper labor. Three years ago, he and my mother were forced to file for bankruptcy. They lost all of their savings, and now live month to month struggling to simply pay bills. Goldstein’s comments therefore strike close to home.